May 8 2013

Book Review: International Security, Conflict and Gender: ‘HIV is another war’

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LSE’s Rochelle Burgess acclaims the latest book by Hakan Seckinelgin, International Security, Conflict and Gender: ‘HIV is another war’ as a must-read. This review originally appeared on Global Policy.

HIV/AIDS specialist are often faced with a derivative of the following question: ‘Why do people keep contracting HIV?’ As a specialist in the field, my reply often begins with ‘because AIDS is actually more about the realities of life that sometimes play out in ways that make AIDS an inescapable reality’. This is a bleak response as best, but well supported by strings of evidence that highlight how social ills, rather than behaviours alone, contribute to on-going spread of the disease. As part of my defence, I also include arguments outlining the distance between HIV programme ‘ideals’ and ‘local’ realities – created by the knowledge paradigms and assumptions that underpin many ‘failed’ programmes. For some time, there were a minority of voices shouting such things into the wind—a crucial example found in bodies of work including Catherine Campbell’s “Letting them Die” which uncovers the realities of employing decontextualised western approaches to prevention of HIV in South Africa.

Hakan_book

Over time, the value of local context specific knowledge to global HIV/AIDS policy debates has been recognised (at least, in rhetoric). The recent inclusion of civil society forums at the 2011 UN General Assembly on AIDS, and the selection of the theme of ‘knowing practices’ to headline the forthcoming Association for Social Science and Humanities in HIV/AIDS conference this June both articulate a growing willingness to engage with issues of ‘local knowledge’ as part of effective pandemic response.

Hakan Seckinelgin’s newest work International Security, Conflict and Gender: ‘HIV is another war’ makes an immaculate and welcome contribution to debates of ‘Whose reality, and whose knowledge counts?’ in structuring responses to the pandemic. Although the book’s title gives little indication of this to the reader (perhaps, the book’s only flaw), it remains a deeply engaging and often fearless champion of these aims. Seckinelgin zeros in on the knowledge base currently supporting ‘securitisation of HIV’ debates, and challenges the resultant claims made about relationships between conflict, international security and HIV/AIDS. Continue reading

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May 6 2013

Poor Numbers: How We Are Misled by African Development Statistics and What to Do about It

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Morten Jerven asks: What do we know about income and growth in sub-Saharan Africa? The answer is: much less than we like to think. The data are unreliable and potentially seriously misleading. The question is of great importance. Economic growth rates or per capita income estimates are commonly used in statements about development in Africa.

In my book Poor Numbers: How We Are Misled by African Development Statistics and What to Do about It, I have studied the measurement problems in African economies, and specifically analysed the methods and sources underlying the different GDP estimates that have been made since independence.

street-market-kampala

The measurement of African economies has long been an overlooked issue, but recently there have been some well publicised statistical events that warn data users that the African growth and income evidence does not tell us as much as we would like to think.

On 5 November 2010, Ghana Statistical Services announced that it was revising the GDP estimates upwards by over 60 percent, suggesting that in previous GDP estimates economic activities worth about US$13 billion had been missed. After the revision a range of new activities were accounted for, and as a result Ghana was suddenly upgraded from a low-income country to a lower-middle-income country. In the autumn of 2011 Nigeria also announced a forthcoming upward revision of its GDP. This revision is not yet complete, but it has been suggested that the GDP revision in Nigeria will cause a similarly large jump in GDP. If GDP doubles in Nigeria following the revision it will mean that the GDP for the whole region increases by more than 15%. The value of the increase amounts to as much as 40 economies roughly the size of Malawi’s. Continue reading

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May 3 2013

Accra: a city’s life and health

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Africa is among the fastest urbanising areas in the world. In this post, LSE’s Ama de-Graft Aikins explores the challenges facing the multicultural global city that is Accra and ideas of how to overcome them. This is part of a recent public lecture series exploring healthy cities in collaboration with LSE Cities and LSE Health.

In 1877, when Accra was made capital of the Gold Coast, the population was less than 20,000 and the town was dominated by one ethnic group, the Gas. When Ghana gained independence from the British in 1957, eighty years later, the population was approximately 136,000 and the Gas had lost their majority status. The first set of plans in 1944, 1958 and 1961, provided for a spacious city with well-defined residential areas, road networks and public services, in keeping with urban planning of the period. However city planners did not anticipate a rapid population increase. Now, Accra is a multi-cultural global city with a population that has doubled over the most recent national census periods, from 1.7million in 2000 to 4 million in 2010.

Jamestown---Old-Accra-Neighbourhood

Jamestown is one of the oldest neighbourhoods in Accra. Photo: Mawuli Kushitor

Early Ga settlements like La, Teshie and Mamprobi that functioned as markets for livestock and general goods, are now residential neighbourhoods which coexist with newer areas ranging from million-dollar gated communities (e.g. Trassaco Valley) to poverty-stricken slums (e.g. Old Fadama). The political dominance of the British in the development of the town (and broader Gold Coast colony) has given way to a multi-national collective of British, American, Dutch, Danish, German, Japanese and Chinese development partners who co-direct the affairs of Accra and Ghana through multi-donor support systems. Similarly the economic dominance of British companies like United Africa Company (UAC, now Unilever), has given way to a vast array of multi-national companies: in 2000, 665 companies from 80 countries had set up home in Accra. After the multi-national hotels arrived in the 1990s, the gated communities followed, and then telecommunications and entertainment industries established themselves. The fast food revolution, beginning with local hamburger joints in the 1970s and culminating in KFC’s inauguration on Accra’s Oxford Street in 2012, sealed Accra’s global status. Earlier this year, the New York Times declared Accra the fourth most desirable tourist destination for 2013, right behind Rio de Janeiro and ahead of 42 other world destinations.  Continue reading

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May 1 2013

Outsourcing refugees to Kenya – why Tory MP Julian Brazer is wrong

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UK Conservative MP, Julian Brazier recommends outsourcing immigrants to Kenya as one way of reducing asylum seekers in Britain, but LSE’s Katy Long argues that this approach demonstrates a lack of understanding of Kenyan politics and the plight of Somali refugees in the East African country.

The idea that Britain is “overcrowded” is an oft-repeated mantra for those who want to see massive reductions in UK immigration.  Last week, one Conservative MP offered his thoughts on how to rid our “Overcrowded Land” of unwanted immigrants. These include outsourcing asylum.

Julian Brazier’s claims are spurious and ill founded: I’ve explained why in more detail here. Yet what has made me most angry is his conclusion that:

We must consider making treaties with democratic Third World countries with plenty of space (few are as crowded as the UK) … if we could secure a deal with Kenya, it would be worth our while to make a considerable payment per capita to them to provide a haven for Somali asylum seekers, sent from Britain to have their cases examined…

Such a move ignores the fact that the vast majority of Somalis in the UK are not illegal immigrants or even asylum seekers (only 663 Somali asylum claims were submitted in the UK in 2012), but instead are legal residents and even British citizens. However it also displays a real lack of understanding about either Kenyan politics or the current sufferings of Somali refugees in Kenya.

Dadaab, which hosts what is often described as the largest refugee camp in the world, has over 400,000 people, most of them from Somalia

Dadaab, which hosts what is often described as the largest refugee camp in the world, has over half a million people, most of whom are from Somalia

Continue reading

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May 1 2013

Apply for Development scholarships at LSE Deadline May 13 2013

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If you are pursuing a career in the development or humanitarian sectors and are a citizen of Uganda, Kenya or South Sudan, then you may want to consider applying for a Lalji PfAL Scholarship to undertake the MSc Development Management or the MSc International Development and Humanitarian Emergencies (IDHE) programmes at the London School of Economics and Political Science.

These scholarships are generously supported by Firoz & Najma Lalji and the Programme of African Leadership (PfAL) Foundation. The Lalji PfAL Scholarship fund is equivalent to 15 full scholarships. These will cover fees and living costs and the value of each student will be assessed according to financial need. Continue reading

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Apr 29 2013

South Africa’s politics of unemployment

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LSE alumna Hemal Shah says that South Africans could use their democratic and demographic advantages to tackle their massive unemployment problem.

Two decades since the end of apartheid, South Africa’s performance has been stellar on most metrics of prosperity: improved incomes, infrastructure, and environment; reduced social inequality, and above all, impressive transition to democracy. It is often the role model among its African cousins. South Africa almost gives an impression of a ‘first world’ middle-income country in most aspects. To this extent their 2010 proposal to join the economic powerhouse of the BRICs was received successfully. In fact, they hosted the fifth BRICS summit in Durban last month.

Photo Credit: Chibart

Photo Credit: Chibart

But here is the anomaly: South Africa suffers from abnormally high unemployment levels amid overall positive socio-economic indicators. At 25 percent or more, it is blighted with one of the world’s highest unemployment rates. There are also the “discouraged workers” – those who are willing to work but unable to find employment – driving up the total unemployment rate to 37 per cent. Crime rates are uncannily high in a relatively rich country (income per capita of $9700), of which unemployment and lack of socialisation are major causes. But most ironically, unemployment has doubled since apartheid years. Continue reading

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Apr 25 2013

An African Leader’s view of Thatcher

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In the wake of the death of the former Prime Minister of Britain, Margaret Thatcher, there has been a vast amount of debate about her legacy with regards to Africa. Thatcher has been mostly deplored for her support for the South Africa government during apartheid.

In a recent post, Sue Onslow of the Institute of Commonwealth Studies describes how, despite Thatcher’s opposition to sanctions against South Africa, she urged the release of Nelson Mandela and allowed members of her government to explore contacts with South African nationalist parties. However, the open letter below from former Nigeria leader Olusegun Obasanjo to the former Conservative Prime Minister lays bare the depth of repugnance towards Thatcher’s actions.

An open letter to Mrs Margaret Thatcher from General Olusegun Obasanjo, former Nigerian head of state, and co-chair of the Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group on South Africa.

Former Nigerian leader, Olusegun Obasanjo

Former Nigerian leader, Olusegun Obasanjo was appalled by the former British Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher’s support of South Africa’s apartheid regime.

August 1986

Dear Margaret,

After our meeting on Sunday, I write as one committed democrat to another. Yours is an old country with a lengthy democratic tradition; mine a new country undergoing a press of nation-building. But as democrats, we can be frank with each other. Continue reading

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