Elections | EUROPP - Part 2

Measuring the impact of Covid-19 on political trust

March 31st, 2022

Talk of a revived European centre-left is premature

March 22nd, 2022

Siding with the underdog: Explaining the populist radical right’s response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine

March 15th, 2022

Capturing the pessimists: How nationalists exploit status concerns in elections

March 10th, 2022

Do elections still matter? Testing the link between campaign priorities and government policy in Western Europe

February 24th, 2022

What the Castilla-León elections told us about the trajectory of Spanish politics

February 22nd, 2022

Orbán’s great power politics

February 21st, 2022

Sergio Mattarella’s re-election as Italian President: A turning point for Italy’s populist parties?

February 10th, 2022

What the new German government means for the country’s European policy

February 4th, 2022

Why it’s still all to play for in the French presidential election

February 2nd, 2022

Uncovering the missing link between precarity and populist voting

February 2nd, 2022

Populist-led governments are more likely to be punished by the electorate for rising Covid-19 deaths

January 28th, 2022

Friedrich Merz: What to expect from the CDU’s new leader

January 24th, 2022

Investment in technology is not enough to guarantee e-participation in politics

January 24th, 2022

Boris Johnson, Brexit, and the decline of public standards

January 21st, 2022

Sustaining democracy: The moral burden of citizenship

December 9th, 2021

Third time’s the charm? Bulgaria’s November elections and the elusive quest for a parliamentary majority

November 22nd, 2021

Who votes for the populist radical right in Portugal and Spain?

November 17th, 2021

Do populist parties lose support when participating in government?

November 9th, 2021

The Kurz affair has uncovered the Trumpian dimension of Austrian politics

November 8th, 2021

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