To better understand how religious divisions impact civil society, Jiyaul Haque shares some insights from his ethnographic study in the Surjapuri-dominated areas of Bihar.
Muslims in India exhibit a diverse range of socio-cultural practices shaped by their geographic locations. Among these groups, the Surjapuri Muslims stand out as a distinct and understudied community in North-Eastern Bihar and West Bengal. With a population of around five million, they are among the most marginalised communities in the region. The Surjapuris practice endogamy, primarily engage in agriculture, and speak a dialect that blends Bengali and Maithili language.
In recent decades, the Surjapuri community has experienced a growing divide between the Barelvi and Deobandi schools of thought. This sectarian split traces back to 19th-century reformist movements that emerged in response to concerns about Islam’s future in India following the decline of the Mughal Empire. The Deobandi school, established in 1866, focuses on Sharia law derived from the Quran, Sunnah, and Hadith, rejecting spiritual practices like visiting shrines, considering them to be un-Islamic. In contrast, the Barelvi school, founded by Ahmad Raza Khan, supports these spiritual practices and emphasises the infallibility of Prophet Muhammad. Both schools sought to spread their version of Islam through the proliferation of madrassas, teaching distinct worldviews via their advocates’ works, and often criticising the rival sect for allegedly misrepresenting Islam and the Muslim community.
In my ethnographic study in the Surjapuri-dominated areas of North-Eastern Bihar, I found that, while social interactions are mostly peaceful, sectarian divisions significantly impact decisions related to madrasas, mosques, religious gatherings, marriages, and even funerals, resulting in notable social segregation. For example, Muhammad Khurshid, a landowner, noted that fifteen years ago, the Deobandi-Barelvi divide was not evident. Now, it is so pronounced that many Barelvi Muslims refuse to drink water in Deobandi households and consider marriages with Deobandi families forbidden. Similarly, a madrasa teacher, Muhammad Anwar Quasmi, recounted a case where a Surjapuri girl married a Surjapuri boy from a different village. Ten years later, the husband died, and the girl’s Deobandi family was barred from attending the funeral by the local community, which stated they would not attend if the Deobandi family was present.
Jalsa: A platform to impose sectarian division and the role of remittance inflow
Studies found that religious leaders have intensified sectarian divisions through gatherings like Jalsa, Friday sermons, and lessons at the madrasa. These events are used by leaders from both sects to uphold their doctrinal purity and to criticise opposing views. Among these platforms, Jalsa, a religious congregation, has become the most effective in reinforcing sectarian identity. Jalsa, referring to religious congregations, has become a significant platform for religious teachings and interactions in the region, and they are organised annually in the Surjapuri concentrated village. Over the past two decades, Jalsas have gained momentum due to the inflow of remittances, which have enabled substantial investments in these events through donation drives. These remittances have eased financial burdens on families, allowing greater participation in Jalsa.
To ensure the success of these events, organisers invite notable Islamic clergy and preachers from across the country. Each speaker typically charges between 30,000 to 50,000 Indian Rupees (around 275 to 465 British pounds) for a one-night event, and at least three to four speakers are usually invited. Additional speakers come from local mosques and madrasas. Besides their fees, these speakers are provided with food, lodging, air tickets, and transportation.
Mohammad Hasnat mentioned that Jalsas in his village aim to provide religious education to rural Muslims, many of whom are illiterate and lack knowledge about Islam. The events focus on teaching Islamic rituals, prayer practices, and Sharia law.
Mohammad Mudasssir reported that Jalsas often focus on sectarian ideas, promoting Deobandi or Barelvi practices and instructing followers to avoid interacting with the other sect. This has led to situations where madrasa students avoid greeting teachers from different sects and individuals refuse to pray behind an Imam from another sect deeming it haram (forbidden). This rigid perception is particularly prevalent among the Barelvi sect in the region.
Similarly, Maulana Rizwan, who owns a private school in the Surjapuri concentrated village, mentioned spending significant amounts of money on organising Jalsas but seeing little benefit in terms of creating awareness or fostering progressive thinking among Muslims in the area. Instead, he felt that these events had exacerbated community divisions along sectarian lines.
The teachings shared at these gatherings significantly influence people’s thoughts and attitudes, ultimately widening the gaps between different sects, and entrenching divisions in the community. The increasing sectarian segregation among Surjapuri Muslims necessitates targeted interventions to bridge divides and enhance communal harmony. Policymakers and community leaders must develop strategies to promote inter-sectarian harmony and address the socio-economic challenges faced by the Surjapuri community. By addressing these issues, a more inclusive and cohesive society can be fostered, ensuring unity and social cohesion among Surjapuri Muslims.
Image by Francisco Anzola
Note: This article gives the views of the author, not the position of LSE Religion and Global Society nor the London School of Economics and Political Science.
📨 Click here to sign up to the LSE Religion and Global Society newsletter.
