During elections not all groups vote cohesively, including men. In new research, Kira Sanbonmatsu and Yalidy Matos look at what influences which candidates men – specifically Black and Latino men – support and the degree to which they see themselves as part of people “of color” coalitions. They find that men can build alliances with those outside their own race and gender, but the likelihood of that alliance is shaped by the candidates’ gender and race.

Historically, discussions about gender and elections are often about how many women candidates are running and how women are expected to vote.

Gender is often equated with women. However, the 2024 presidential election has brought more attention to men and especially men of color voters. Men, as a gender group, may have identities, experiences, and policy preferences that depart from those of women. Clearly, how men behave politically shapes election results including whether women candidates are successful. Our new research sheds light on these dynamics, especially in light of former president Barack Obama’s recent appeal to Black men to support Vice President Kamala Harris.

How women, including women of color, put together winning coalitions depends on attracting sufficient voter support—including the support of men. Women of color candidates are underrepresented in US elections, meaning they are underrepresented in office. Yet, they may have unique opportunities. Women of diverse racial/ethnic backgrounds, including Harris, may campaign by taking up the identity “women of color.”

Communities of color and identities

Recent research on communities of color explore who is perceived to be a “person of color” and the degree to which people see themselves as part of the coalition “people of color”. Building a coalition across underrepresented race/ethnic groups can create strength in numbers and enhance political influence.

In thinking about these identities, we argue that men’s political behavior may be influenced by the intersection of race/ethnicity with gender. Men who could be categorized as “men of color”, such as Black men and Latino men, may find common cause with “women of color” candidates due to an alliance based on “of color” identities. Such an alliance could boost the electoral chances of women of color candidates. But we know little about how men of color see themselves at these intersections and how they perceive women candidates.

We study these coalitional opportunities and possibilities with survey data from the 2020 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey. We analyze men’s views on different types of congressional candidates using “feeling thermometers” ranging from 0 to 100, gauging the appeal of different groups of candidates. We find that how Black and Latino men view congressional candidates depends on candidates’ gender and race, as well as whether they were labeled as “women of color.”

How Black and Latino men view congressional candidates

As Figure 1 shows, Black men view Black men and Black women congressional candidates equally favorably, with both rated more warmly than Latino men and women congressional candidates. This is not surprising because voters often prefer candidates from their own identity group. Interestingly, when we asked about “women of color congressional candidates”, the results show that Black men rated them at the same levels as Black women (and men) congressional candidates. Hence, for Black men, “women of color” candidates are viewed positively. While it is common to categorize “Latina candidates” as “women of color candidates”, here we see that the two groups are rated differently by Black men, with Latina women congressional candidates rated lower.

Figure 1 – Congressional Candidate Ratings by Black men

The results for Latino men respondents (Figure 2) are similar in that they rate Latino men congressional candidates similarly to Latina congressional candidates, with the outgroup (Black men and Black women) candidates rated less warmly. Unlike Black men’s views, we find that “women of color congressional candidates” are not as highly rated as the candidates from the same group (Latino men and Latina). In other words, for Latino men, it may be the case that the category “woman of color” is attributed to Black women only because they differentiate between “women of color” and Latina congressional candidates.

Figure 2 – Congressional Candidate Ratings by Latino men

Together this means that men voters make distinctions about candidates based on race and gender as well as the “women of color” label. Men can build alliances with individuals outside their own race and gender group, but the likelihood of that alliance is shaped by the candidates’ gender and race.

“MEN” (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0) by kenfagerdotcom

“Linked fate” and candidate support

Men are not a monolith when it comes to which candidates they support. We analyzed men’s feelings of “linked fate” with the group “men of color” to see if those who see more commonality with other men of color would be more likely to support women of color candidates, or if the gender and race intersection would dampen support (“linked fate” measures the extent to which an individual thinks that what happens to a group will affect their life).

For the most part, when Black and Latino men believe that what happens to “men of color” will affect their lives, support for women congressional candidates increases. This is the case for women congressional candidates described as Black women, Latinas, and “women of color”.  These positive relationships indicate that “of color” identities can transcend gender boundaries.

Better understanding who men support in elections and why

Given the upcoming 2024 US presidential election and the efforts of both major parties to attract both Black men and Latino men, this work might also be helpful in understanding who among Black and Latino men are most susceptible to leaving a majority Democratic coalition of who they consider to be their own peers.

As candidates, organizations, and institutions navigate shifting coalitions around race and gender identities, we recommend consideration of how these identities impact men and the alliances that they forge. Are men perceiving shared interests? How do they view people categorized by gender, race, and “of color” labels? Understanding these perspectives can inform who is included, and excluded, from coalitions.

• This article is based on the paper, ‘Men of Color, Linked Fate, and Support for Women of Color Candidates’ in the Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics.
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• Note: This article gives the views of the author, and not the position of USAPP – American Politics and Policy, nor the London School of Economics. 
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