May 24 2013

Egyptian Women in the 1919 Revolution: Political Awakening to Nationalist Feminism

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LSE’s Nabila Ramdani looks at the role women played in that revolution and sees parallels with the women’s movement in Egypt today.

The role of women in Arab revolutions is a subject which could not be more important at the moment. Despite playing a crucial part in the 18-day uprising which ended Hosni Mubarak’s rule in February 2011, women remain marginalised, if not ignored altogether.  There are just 12 women MPs out of a total of 498. This translates into female representation of 2.4 percent compared to an already extremely low United Nations world average of 19 percent. The 13 original candidates in the presidential race were all men.

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Veiled Egyptian women protest against British colonisers in 1919 in Cairo

Such statistics have particular resonance for me as part of my PhD focuses on the role of women in Egypt’s 1919 revolution. As they did last year, women played a momentous role in the revolt against British rule, but found themselves sidelined by the nationalist Wafd party after Egypt was granted nominal independence in 1922. The foiled legacy of Huda Shaarawi, who launched the Egyptian feminist movement a year later by publicly removing her veil, now continues into the 21st century. Those who followed the 2011 revolution on their TV screens will remember how women played a prominent part in the mass demonstrations, not least of all on Cairo’s Tahrir Square. One chapter in my dissertation examines how women in Egypt took to the streets for the first time ever, asserting themselves as formidable enemies of the British Empire and how this nationalistic dissent was transformed into a bona fide feminist movement. Continue reading

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May 23 2013

Guinée – la tour vacillante de l’Afrique de l’Ouest.

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Alors que les tensions ethniques s’accroissent, l’ancien élève de LSE, Olivier Bucyana appelle les pays voisins et les organisations régionales à faire en sorte que la coalition au pouvoir et celle de l’opposition restent en contact.  Ce message  est apparu à l’origine sur les site internet de l’ Open Society Initiative for West Africa (OSIWA).

La Guinée, bénie , ou certains diraient maudite, par ses ressources naturelles abrite les plus grandes réserves de minerais de fer dans le monde y compris 30% des réserves connues de bauxite et d’autres métaux comme l’or ou les diamants, juste pour n’en citer que quelques uns. Alors que la Guinée est aussi connue sous le nom de « la tour d’eau de l’Afrique de l’Ouest », le potentiel pour l’énergie hydroélectrique est immense, mais à la campagne l’électricité est rare et à Conakry les coupures de courant font partie de la vie de tous les jours. Ce paradoxe semble refléter la crise politique actuelle que ce pays est en train de connaître.

Guinea-mountain

De nombreuses raisons peuvent expliquer cette situation politique actuelle en Guinée, mais une raison en particulier semble se démarquer des autres : le paysage ethno-politique du pays. Aujourd’hui les Guinéens aiment décrire leur pays comme divisé en quatre régions « naturelles », chaque région étant associée à un groupe « ethnique » précis : la « Basse Guinée » majoritairement Soussou, les Peulhs en « Moyenne Guinée », les Malinkés en « Haute Guinée » et les Forestiers en « Guinée Forestière ».  Ceci n’est bien sûr pas un problème en soi et la répartition de groupes spécifiques dans des régions n’est pas complètement claire puisque les quatre groupes cohabitent ensemble et pratiquent des mariages mixtes. Néanmoins tous les Guinéens savent que les Peulhs et les Malinkés sont les groupes les plus importants, le premier étant représenté par Cellou Dalein Diallo dans le domaine politique, le second par le président actuel Alpha Condé.  Aujourd’hui la politique en Guinée a tendance à refléter ces divisions géographiques et « ethniques » décrites ci-dessus, non seulement parmi les simples citoyens mais aussi parmi les acteurs politiques, les partis politiques et également au sein des institutions gouvernementales. Continue reading

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May 22 2013

الجهات المانحة الإفريقية والملكية الصومالية:الفيل في مؤتمرالصومال لسنة 2013

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كأول رئيس دائم للصومال في عقدين يستعد للحصول على ملكية إعادة إعمار البلاد التي مزقتها الحرب، يبحث جوناثان فيشر من جامعة برمنغهام فيما إذا كان اللاعبون الإقليميون مثل كينيا وإثيوبيا وأوغندا مستعدة للتخلي  عن  سيطرتها في الصومال. هذا المقال نشر في  بلوق قسم التنمية الدولية في جامعة برمنغهام.         

وهكذا انتهى المؤتمر. بعد أشهر من التحضير، وعدم الرضا عن قوائم الضيوف وقياسات الأعلام والصياغات المعادة لترتيبات الجلوس انتهى مؤتمر الصومال. وقد صدر البيان الختامي، وتم تحميل الخطب على مواقع يوتيوب وتهيأ الحضور للمحطة التالية من الحملة الترويجية لإعادة الإعمار. ويتطلع ممثلو الإدارة الصومالية الجديدة إلى مناقشات رفيعة المستوى في طوكيو ونيروبي وبروكسل وإسطنبول فضلا عن نيويورك وأديس أبابا خلال الأشهر المقبلة، حيث سيتم بلورة الخطط لإعادة بناء الدولة السابقة المدمرة بالتشاور مع الشركاء الإقليميين والدوليين. إذن ماذا يمكن أن يقال، عن الحدث في لندن الأسبوع الماضي؟ هل هو الخطوة الأولى على الطريق إلى ولادة جديدة للصومال أم هو يوم واحد للبيانات وغرف الفنادق المعدة؟ هل هو المؤتمر الذي سيسير في  تجديد الالتزام بإعادة بناء البلاد المحطمة، أم أنه كمؤتمر الصومال في لندن العام الماضي، من شأنه أن يذكر أنه أكثر قليلا من قمة صومالية غير منطقية أخرى؟

صورة توضيحية) رئيس الوزراء البريطاني مع الرئيس الصومالي حسن شيخ محمود في لندن في السابع من شهر أيار.

صورة توضيحية) رئيس الوزراء البريطاني مع الرئيس الصومالي حسن شيخ محمود في لندن في السابع من شهر أيار.

الإجابات على هذه الأسئلة، بطبيعة الحال، ستأتي مع الوقت، ولا يمكن أن تكون في البيانات المدروسة، ولكن بطريقة غامضة، الصادرة عن المؤتمر على مدى المداولات يوم الثلاثاء الماضي. ومع ذلك، فمن الغني عن القول إن أي نجاحات في الصومال ستأتي من مزيج من أمرين: مستوى الالتزام من حكومة حسن شيخ محمود الضعيفة (التي هي في السلطة منذ الخريف الماضي) لكسب “قلوب وعقول” الصوماليين خارج عسكرة مقديشو، وإلى أي مدى سيكون استعداد الممثلين الدوليين (بما في ذلك الدول الأفريقية الإقليمية) لتقديم الدعم للحكومة الصومالية في جهودها للقيام بذلك. إن الدور المتطور للدول المجاورة للصومال، وخاصة إثيوبيا وكينيا وأوغندا، في وقت يحاول البلد الوقوف على قدميه هو، في الحقيقة، واحد من الجدالات الرئيسية التي لا يزال يتعين القيام بها بطريقة شفافة. ومع ذلك، فهو  يبقي أحد الفيلين في الغرفة عندما يتعلق الأمر في البحث عن  ”حلول الصومال” على الصعيد العالمي (كما قد تراها المجلة البريطانية – برايفت آي)، والآخر يتعلق بالتواجد الذي  يلوح في الأفق لإسطنبول والنهج الأحادي  لها الرامي  إلى ولوج الدبلوماسية الصومالية.          Continue reading

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May 21 2013

Book Review: Poor Numbers: How We Are Misled by African Development Statistics and What to Do About It

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LSE’s Gerardo Serra calls Morten Jerven’s book Poor Numbers: How we are misled by African Development Statistics and What to Do about It a pioneering attempt in opening the black box of African statistical offices.

Statistical indicators, such as GDP, are the most synthetic and common measure of the success or failure of an economy. But how good are the numbers that inform these statistics? This is the question that Morten Jerven, former PhD student in the LSE Department of Economic History and currently Assistant Professor of International Studies at Simon Fraser University (Vancouver), has attempted to address with respect to Africa. The short answer, as suggested by the title, is that the numbers used to describe African economies are “poor”. This book presents a detailed analysis about why that is the case and offers some policy suggestions aimed at improving the quality of African statistics and their use in scholarly and policy circles.

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The departure point of the volume is that statistics are both a powerful tool to learn about the world and an important part of the evidence used in policy-making. The consequence of this assumption is that if African statistics tend to be unreliable and inaccurate this needs to be understood simultaneously as a knowledge and governance problem (p. 4). This does not imply embracing a relativistic position; it simply means that numbers are too important not to be subjected to a critical scrutiny which identifies the factors which make them more likely to grasp accurately the reality they purport to represent, and an investigation into their conditions of production and dissemination. Continue reading

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May 20 2013

Hospital escapees highlight need for community mental health in Kenya

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LSE’s Victoria de Menil argues that hospitals are not a viable alternative for community mental health care in Kenya and other low and middle-income countries.

“They are not criminals,” so asserted Samuel Anampiru, divisional police chief, to BBC reporters following the escape on Sunday 12 May of forty mentally ill men from Mathari Hospital, Kenya’s national referral hospital for psychiatry. However, conditions at the hospital were described as “prison-like” in a recent report by the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights.

A recent report revealed the poor living conditions of mentally ill patients at Mathari Hospital in Kenya

A recent report revealed the poor living conditions of mentally ill patients at Mathari Hospital in Kenya

The National Commission found staff to patient ratios at Mathari of 1:80. Basic hygiene was compromised: “ventilation in the buildings is poor…sewerage blockages are common.” Furthermore, an atmosphere of insecurity was said to reign with reports of robberies from a neighbouring slum, and both patient-on-patient and patient-on-staff violence. The problems found in Mathari were equally present in other public psychiatric facilities. Occupancy rates ranged from a low of 105% to a high of 200%. Continue reading

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May 17 2013

Guinea – West Africa’s Teetering Tower

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As ethnic tensions rise in Guinea, LSE alumnus, Olivier Bucyana calls on the country’s neighbours and regional organisations to ensure the channels of communication between the ruling and opposition coalitions remain open. This post originally appeared on the website of the Open Society Initiative for West Africa (OSIWA).

Blessed, or some would argue, cursed, with its natural resources, Guinea has the largest reserves of iron ore in the world, including 30% of the world’s known reserves of bauxite and other metals, like gold and diamonds, just to name a few. Also known as the “water tower of West Africa”, the potential for hydroelectric power is immense, yet in the countryside electricity is rare and in Conakry, power cuts are part of every day life. This paradox seems to reflect the current political crisis the country is facing.

Guinea-mountain

Among the many explanations one can come up with to explain the current state of affairs in Guinea, one seems to stand out more: the ethno-political landscape of the country. Today, Guineans like to describe their country as divided in four “natural” regions, each associated with a specific “ethnic” group: The predominantly Soussou “Basse Guinée”, the Peulh in “Moyenne Guinée”, the Malinké in “Haute Guinée” and the Forestier in “Guinée Forestière”. That of course, in itself, isn’t a problem, and this association of regions to specific groups isn’t clear-cut since all four groups cohabit and intermarry. Nonetheless, common knowledge among Guineans is that the Peulh and Malinké are the largest groups, with the former, represented by Cellou Dalein Diallo on the political scene, and the latter represented by current president, Alpha Condé. Today, politics in Guinea tends to reflect these geographical and “ethnic” divisions described above, not only among simple citizens, but also among political actors, political parties, and also within governmental institutions. Continue reading

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May 15 2013

Exploring how young children conceptualise ethnic difference and operationalise identity

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Based on a presentation at LSE Africa seminar series, Ruth Barley of Sheffield Hallam University analyses how young children process ethnic diversity.

It is early June and I am sitting with Annakiya as she draws a picture. Annakiya, now five years old, arrived in the UK with her immediate family nine months ago from West Africa. She has attended Sunnyside School since the start of the academic year in September. Annakiya begins to draw a princess chatting to me as she does so.  She tells me that she is drawing a picture of herself as a grown up.  As she begins to colour in the princess she recites to me the different colours that she is using to create her rainbow dress, pink shoes, brown hair and golden tiara. After colouring in these parts of the princess, she pauses and looks at the picture before telling me, “I’m not gonna colour my face because this is when I’m grown up.  My hair is curly, I’m a princess and I am light, like you.” I ask why she wants to be light when she is older.  “Now I’m dark and you are light,” she continues. “When I’m grown up I’m gonna be light, like you”.  I tell Annakiya that I like the colour of her skin as it is now, saying that it is very pretty.  She ponders this for a while, as she continues to colour in her picture, before saying “It’s ok to be different like Elmer¹ but really I wanna be like you.”

Elmer is a patchwork elephant who discovers the value in being different

Elmer is a patchwork elephant who discovers the value in being different

The above conversation is just one example of how the children in my doctoral research understand difference as being hierarchical, and in this instance, “light” skin colour is viewed as better than “dark”. Children at Sunnyside regularly discuss diversity relating to ethnicity, religion and gender within the context of identity maintenance and (re)negotiation.

Continue reading

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