Earlier this week, India’s courts banned a BBC documentary about the 2012 gang rape and murder of Jyoti Singh, a 23-year old medical student in Delhi. Shakuntala Banaji separates debates thrown up by the film, from those around gender violence in India to the discussion of violence against women in a wider context, and from the issue of orientalist perspectives in the western media to the question of whether the film should be shown while judicial procedures are still pending.
There are five separate issues that need to be disaggregated in relation to the furious debate now raging over India’s ban on Leslee Udwin’s BBC documentary ‘India’s Daughter’, although they can and should be brought together and re-articulated at various points. Perhaps in an attempt to prevent demonstrations about rape from starting across the country, the avowed reason for banning this film is that it gives voice to one of the unrepentant rapists. Dozens of articles and thousands of comments flying around international print and electronic media suggest that the issue of free speech and censorship has almost overshadowed the issues of gender-based violence and protest against it. In many online comments, rape as a practice, Indian male attitudes, and Western disrespect of India are decontextualised. In this brief post, I cannot hope to do justice to all of the issues raised, or their cultural and academic histories. I merely hope to foreground how important perspectives that examine gender and violence at the intersection of class, geography, race and sexuality are, and to point towards ways forward. This is important for any of us who wish to work towards a world in which misogyny and rape, lynching and capital punishment, and racist stereotyping are rare and unusual phenomena.
1) The very pressing issue of vicious sexual, ethnic and gender violence and torture, including rapes of all kinds against children, women and men; and the ideologies and rhetorics (Hindutva/Caste/Wahabism/Salafism/Indian Patriotism/‘Indian tradition’, etc.) used to justify or disavow responsibility for them in India.
India’s daughter raises issues about widespread and insidious processes and practices of gender discrimination, from sex-selective abortions, to sexual harassment, which are part of custom and practice and form the backdrop to more violent sexual crimes against women. The film is worth watching just for the first five minutes in which Jyoti’s parents, a humble working couple, appear on screen, speak their memories even when words fail them, in Hindi, laying out minute by painful minute the life’s work that she embodied for them as people and as parents. It is eminently clear that they loved her as an equal; that they negotiated with her ambitions humanely, generously; that the manner of her death has not changed their beliefs about their decision to treat her as an equal or about their feelings of love and respect for her. Here are two eminently sensible, calm, persuasive Indians, a woman and a man, who live in a conservative institutional social setting, telling parts of a very traumatic story. The everyday and familiar comments that interweave their narrative of love and loss – the throwaway comments from relatives about why they celebrated Jyoti’s birth with sweets ‘as if she were a boy’; the disapproval of their male relatives when they sold their small plot of ancestral land to fund their daughter’s university degree, are all eminently familiar to me, as a researcher in issues of gender, sexuality and media in India, as they will be to so many others who have grown up across the country, or worked there. And I have no doubt that some audiences, watching closely, or through tears, will note the connections between this everyday misogyny and the horror which ended Jyoti’s life. Audiences are not all the same. Some will watch with puerile hurt nationalist pride, stupefied disapproval of India (see daily mail comments) or blood-thirsty anti male rage; many will not.
2) The equally pressing issue of vicious sexual, gender, ethnic, racial, religious discrimination, violence and torture, including rape of all kinds, in different geographical and cultural contexts from Nigeria and Syria to Australia and the UK.
During my research on gender, sexual harassment and homophobia at the intersection of media and everyday life, I’ve heard arguments about which types of girls get raped or molested from men and boys, young and old across the global south (Pakistan, India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka) and across the UK, as well as from numerous women; and sometimes from girls ‘slut shaming’ each other or making homophobic comments which suggest that all non-heterosexuals endanger themselves. India has no premium on retrograde views about rape, gender and sexuality; in this case, India happens to be the geographical locus of the story. Rape happens to be its central conceit as the statistics at the very end of the film emphasise. And no media text can be expected to tackle every contextual issue. Nevertheless, the film would have been far more resonant and powerful, had the Indian context been linked creatively, even briefly, to wider histories of rape around the globe and in the subcontinent – in private, in marriage, in the streets, in police stations, in factories, in public, as a weapon of the colonisers, as a weapon of caste elites, as a weapon against religious minorities, amongst all-male cadres of Hindu chauvinist organisations, by members of the army, and during pogroms.
3) The frames, constraints and exigencies of media production in a quasi-neoliberal ratings-oriented media economy; namely, editorial decisions related to particular audiences and the decontextualisation of complex histories/content for the sake of brevity/narrative; the spectacularisation of bodies, crowds and events; weakened journalistic ethics and reflexivity.
Documentaries are not made in vacuums. In the absence of unlimited, or even limited creative budgets, they require a cutting edge ‘pitch’, financial backing, logistical support and ratings to justify the time and efforts of their directors. Without doubt India’s Daughter is at points guilty of international journalistic malaise – sensational jump cut and segues, soft-focus on crowds, rhetorically loaded music which could just as well be from Bollywood as from the BBC. For instance, the commentary of the bus driver rapist is stretched across images of the slum houses in which the rapists lived suggests overtly that steroids, alcohol, a penchant for aggressive encounters, and male camaraderie were forged over years, and played out tragically for Jyoti; and perhaps, suggests to some that slums, with their cramped spaces, peeling walls, dirty gutters and lack of privacy are the places where psychosis is bred. But films, news broadcasts and documentaries made by Indians purportedly about ‘terrorism’ have led the way in this regard; the BBC has no monopoly on orientalism or on illogical ideological segues. We need higher regard for journalistic ethics across the board in such troubling and heinous circumstances, and deeper reflection on the ways in which even subtle inflections of sound and aesthetics can alter sociological perceptions.
4) The postcolonial/colonial history of orientalism which is as evident in academia as in journalism. An impulse which can lead to a disavowal of problems such as misogyny and homophobia amongst White communities, and to representations of ‘the other’ as essentially different and uncivilised, and with female ‘others’ as powerless victims rather than victims, participants, perpetrators and resistors.
This documentary, like all documentaries, is in some ways a work of fiction and its editing and sensational music speaks to this. It does try to include the repulsive views of ‘educated’ men such as the defence lawyers. But still, problematically, its narrative ends up othering certain types of Indian men, while distancing Indian political elites, the middle and upper classes, and everyone else from worldviews in which: women who go out at night are courting rape; women who do not cover themselves are ‘bad’; women who have male friends are ‘fair game’; women who roll bidis, wash floors or work in mines are ‘worth’ less airtime, life for life. The overlaying to one of Jyoti’s rapists’ misogynist commentary from his jail cell with brief shots of film posters of women’s bodies on walls, and working-class men’s leering faces, apparently examining these posters, establishes a narrative of subaltern Indian male sexual perversion which has both classist and orientalist overtones. And yes, the film is also responsible, unlike the warm and grieving parents captured at the beginning and end, of suggesting – not arguing outright, but simply connoting, hinting, implying – that Jyoti, the victim, was a hardworking, English-speaking graduate assaulted by unreformed working class Indian men.
5) Violence, capital punishment and criminal justice; the proportionality of response to rape, protections for both perpetrators and those who have suffered violence, avoidance of lynching and other mob-related behaviours.
Should the film have been banned? No. I do not think so. If anything, that single act will ensure that it is watched widely, and not necessarily by those who will learn from or gain from watching it. Was it necessary to screen the film right now? Right in the middle of the judicial appeal process of the rapists in the documentary? After all, lives have been lost, but other lives are also at stake; chillingly underlined in wider media by Jyoti’s mother’s call for swifter capital punishment. There are merits in the points made by this the writer who argues that the significance of judicial ethics and legal context do not appear to weigh as heavily in the mind of the BBC and Udwin in relation to India as these issues might in relation to Western cases. For instance imagine an equally painful and sensational film linking British colonial racist violence to contemporary race discrimination and hate crime in the UK. Imagine this released on the eve of the appeal or trial of the murderers of young London student, Stephen Lawrence. Newspapers were criticised for revealing the names of the suspects at the time. Questions of law, ethics, prejudice and justice raised.
But should the story of Jyoti and of her killers be told? Yes, I believe it should, loud and clear, again and again, by Leslee Udwin, herself a rape survivor, by Indian journalists, by others with similar stories, male or female, from the global north or the global south; some of these retelling will hopefully be more nuanced; some will contest Udwin’s; some will raise issues about the humanity and ethics of capital punishment; some will not. As some feminist campaigners in India have argued, and showbiz commentator Shoba De has emphasised, it would not be a bad thing if films like this were shown and discussed on college curricula. It’s an imperfect film about a desperately sad and violent event in a longstanding national context of hostility and violence towards women, children, gay people, poor people, of every religion, and it should be seen as part of a conversation rather than the beginning or end of one.
The author would like to thank Wendy Willems, Rohini Hensman, Bingchun Meng and Britta Ohm for their thoughtful comments.
Cover image: Screenshot from India’s Daughter documentary.
Note: This article gives the views of the author, and not the position of the India at LSE blog, nor of the London School of Economics. Please read our comments policy before posting.
About the Author
Dr Shakuntala Banaji lectures on International Media and the Global South, Film theory and World Cinema, and Critical Approaches to Media, Communication and Development in the Department of Media and Communications at the London School of Economics.
A billion thanks, Shankutala, for this beautiful, thoughtful piece of writing. I have not seen the documentary, but your short description of the first five minutes of the film was itself sufficient to tear me up. I wish more power to your thoughts and writings. Bravo
Yes I also. Beleive that the ban on this documentary should be removed because every one have right to free speech underr article 19 of indian constitution…but it is legal matter…
There should beba some ethics. And morality to look women or minnrity but in India. You go. Anywhere you can. Easy find a patriarchal mind set ..
Majority of man are using sexual abuse against women in any matter…
The govt is not serious. In women. Freedom…
Thanks to this Dr Banaji for this insightful post. Every issue is explored with clarity and in an unemotive language that is very helpful. I had many confused throughts on viewing the documentary, and can now take an informed position after mulling over the arguments here.
Thank you for this compelling, clear and thoughtful piece. Much needed.
The issues you have raised are key to critically analysing the documentary. Another thought that occurred to me while going through news articles and the film, is the absence of her friend, Awnindra Singh. He was the sole witness to the gruesome rape, and I felt his point of view should have been taken into account.
I agree that the movie should have not been banned, as it would just cause it to go viral, leading people to make emotional and irrational judgements, instead of viewing it rationally and critically. I am of the opinion, that it could have been released after the verdict. As nauseating as it may seem, every citizen, rapist or victim, has the right to a fair trial in a democracy.
The ban is typical of the “Ghar ki baat ghar mein rehne do” mindset that is prevalent in many South Asian countries, which unfortunately further complicates the issue of rape, and reinforces the ‘shame’ of being raped.
I’m sorry, his name is Awnindra Pandey
Interesting thoughts Shaku. And a few of my own.
(1) How have India’s major media outlets reported on this issue?
Any different from the documentary? I think this would have been a wonderful point of departure.
(2) How do we study and represent other peoples, places and histories?
(3) I also think that the criticism surrounding this documentary reveals the problem with postcolonial theory itself -that we often assume that there is an authentic single story out there about people and places. That with careful ethnographic methodologies, we will become more objective and that we can tell a ‘complete’ story. Professor Portelli (in The Death of Luigi Trastulli) discusses the problem of collective memory in Italy over the death of a factory worker in 1949. Even eyewitnesses claimed different dates and brought up different versions over how Luigi died.
(4) Representation of people, histories and places opens up epistemological spaces for the contestation of power. The British media itself struggled to report objectively on the shooting of Mark Duggan and the resultant protests and violence. I think that telling any story means picking up arms – it is an act of war; it is a struggle against certain facts and memories, a struggle to navigate our prejudices and so forth. The historical fact is that the rape happened, which resulted in the death of Jyoti. Beyond that, the telling of that story by any other person, in Fanonian terms becomes indeed an act of war, and of course an act of violence.
I want to mention, and I had expected you to mention, that the elephant in the proverbial room is the earlier concern (couple of years ago) by public intellectuals in India (and the world over) over how some western media reported negatively on India’s preparations for the Commonwealth Games (something I see being repeated with Qatar’s preparations for the World Cup). And this time, it’s like ‘not again’….
P/S: Over and above the issues you raised, we should also ask, Has Jyoti Singh spoken (a la Spivak)? I think, yes, and in very bold letters – even if her body and speech are not sharing the same time and space!
Udwin’s film misses out on a few important matters which makes the objectives behind making this film circumspect. If the pursuit was journalistic and the objective was educational, then it needs to have definitely included
1. an interview of the sole eye witness. Even if he was unwilling to discuss the matter, that ought to have been reported. http://www.firstpost.com/india/indias-daughter-victims-friend-backs-ban-slams-leslees-documentary-2146433.html
2. The mention of any other prominent rape cases in the country. The Bhanwari Devi rape case has also been quite well known in India, as has been Aruna Shanbaug, whose euthanasia plea has been landmark in India. Another high profile case was the rape of a foreigner by the kin of one of the chief ministers of Punjab state.
3. There are no statistics in the film, least of all their break up in terms of region, socio-economic categorization of victim and or perpetrator, arrest rate, nature of punishment ordered, rate of punishment, exceptions, etc.
4. Inclusion of international comparison of cases (as case studies) and comparable statistics, since the film has been made for an international audience.
The film was clearly made with the objective of sensationalising the subject and quick commercial gains for personal use. The gains are not dedicated to any foundation that work towards mitigating or preventing such occurrences in any way.( Mira Nair’s hard hitting film ‘Salaam Bombay’ on the street children of India was neither banned, nor invoked any controversy. And most importantly, its commercial gains went towards the Salaam Balak Trust which helps street children in several ways and is making a definite difference to the society, unlike the film ‘Slumdog Millionaire’, another commercialised comment on India’s poverty by a British filmmaker)
The government’s ban is due to the absence of any real social value of this film and its immense potential to create a law and order crisis in the country. Without any doubt, rape is an important subject and all its aspects need careful diligent study towards developing interventions, but sensationalising the subject is not the solution. And last but not the least, its a democratically elected different government now who has come in with an unprecedented majority, voted in by the average people of India, whose sensibilities it is obliged to safeguard. This government is answerable to the people of India and not the international chatterati.