To complete our Refugee Week UK 2024 blog series, Development Management MSc students Ariam and Estefanía examine the self-initiative approaches that Somali refugees have taken through informal structures to build resiliency and integrate into the Eastleigh neighbourhood of Nairobi. For a complete listing of Refugee Week events or to get involved, check out the Refugee Week website. You can also check out seasons 1 to 3 of the LSE ID ‘Refugee Realities’ podcast on Spotify and Apple music.
In recent decades, migration flows of refugees and asylum seekers has been a constant in Africa. Civil wars, economic crisis, climate change, among other factors, have forced people to abandon their homes and find refuge in other countries. In response, many host countries such as Ethiopia and Kenya, have enforced encampment and repatriation policies, that require refugees to stay in designated refugee camps. This complicates the adoption of policies that guarantee the wellbeing and growth opportunities for the refugees. This has also resulted in restricting the refugees’ access to work permits. Nonetheless, refugees have built strong connections with local communities through informal structures, where they have successfully integrated into the economic and sociocultural spheres. This article dives into the integration of Somalis refugees in Kenya, specifically in Eastleigh, a commercial hub in Nairobi.
Since the independence of Somalia in the 1960s, there have been two important periods of migration to Kenya. The first wave was caused by the Civil War in 1991 and the second wave occurred more recently in 2011 as a result of recurring droughts and famine. The Dadaab Refugee Complex located near the Somalian border is considered one of the biggest camps on the continent: it houses more than 300,000 Somali refugees. In April 2024, according to UNHCR, there were 299,567 Somalis refugees in Kenya and 17,915 in Nairobi. However, these numbers only account for refugees that have been officially registered with the UNHCR. In Nairobi, unofficial accounts estimate that there are as any as 50,000 – 100,000 Somali refugees. Certain refugees may be reluctant to register with the UNHCR due to the perceived inefficiencies and long-waiting periods that comes from humanitarian aid agencies. These individuals may prioritize immediate economic self-sufficiency and actively seek opportunities outside of the formal economy.
Kenya’s approach to refugees has shifted over time. Prior to the first migration flow, Kenya pursued a laissez-faire policy. Previously, refugees had the opportunity to work in the formal sector and settle in urban centres, such as Nairobi. However, Somalia’s 1991 conflict triggered a larger refugee influx that overwhelmed Kenya’s borders as they didn’t have the financial capacity to manage such large numbers of displaced people. The strain on existing resources was further compounded by terrorist attacks linked to Somali groups. Increasingly, Somali refugees were presented in Kenya as a security and economic threat, and the country shifted to encampment policies, which placed the refugees in camps, territorially delimitated from nationals. Despite these efforts, refugees continue to settle in the capital.
Today, most urban refugees who live within Nairobi reside in the Eastleigh neighbourhood, which has been colloquially termed ‘Little Mogadishu.’ These refugees have moved from camps to build an informal economic network to serve their community. Perceptions of security and economic concerns held by the Kenyan government have been the main factors in preventing Somalis from formally integrating into the society. Since documentation is at the heart of the issue when it comes to economic integration which has exacerbated by the encampment policies, many Somali refugees rely on their temporary identification card that they receive from the UNHCR. This has also led to Somali refugees becoming vulnerable to unlawful detentions and victims of bribery as it has become a common practice for Kenyan police to go to Eastleigh to detain Somali refugees without proper Kenyan documentation.
However, even with these hurdles, Somali refugees have created a vast informal network that has benefited both their own community and the greater Kenyan economy within Eastleigh. Taxes paid in Eastleigh contributes to almost one-third of Nairobi’s tax revenue. Due to the laxed government regulation on urban refugees, Somalis refugees have built vast trade networks between places like Dubai and through their native homeland which has allowed for the creation of a bustling economic market. Their trade networks are based on high levels of trust. One of the facilitators of this trade network is the informal banking system Hawala, which allows one to instantly transfer cash into any currency worldwide. Additionally, many Somalis refugees have developed good relationships with Kenyans especially those of Somali backgrounds. Kenyans of Somali descents have greatly assisted refugees in acquiring properties, whether it be for housing or business, as they act as the face of the venture while the refugee is financial manager, or in other words, “the real owner”. This help is greatly needed because these refugees often don’t have proper documentation as a cause of the encampment polices. Trust-based partnerships work as being perceived as a liar or thief leads you to lose your social accreditation within the Somali community. These Somali Kenyans have helped refugees integrate into the Kenyan economic society by acting as the intermediaries.
These informal networks also extend onto matters of health care and security. Refugees who were healthcare professionals in Somalia have opened their own practices in Eastleigh. These health care facilities are easier to access than government facilities due to not needing identity cards and the general ease of having cultural ties, many Somali refugees barely interact with the Kenyan health services. Moreover, Somali refugees have created their own internal security system that provides protections services to many local refugee merchants within Eastleigh against robbery. This system has worked so well that local merchants don’t often face robbery. These networks show how refugees develop innovative integration methods and resilience when the formal structures lack capacity and/or provide minimal support.
The story of Somali refugees in Eastleigh demonstrates the alternatives that informal channels offer to migrants regarding integration. Refugees can participate within the fabric of a new society even when formal structures are designed against their well-being Enduring forced migration often is complicated and difficult however this example showcases the resiliency of refugees.
The views expressed in this post are those of the author and do not reflect those of the International Development LSE blog or the London School of Economics and Political Science.
Featured image credit: Nina R on Flickr, licensed under CC BY 2.0.
