In The Women of the Far Right: Social Media Influencers and Online Radicalization, Eviane Leidig examines the phenomenon of far-right women influencers who seek new recruits for white nationalism through carefully constructed online presences. Drawing on three years of digital ethnographic research, Leidig paints a captivating and concerning picture of how these influencers create networked intimacy through social media platforms, writes Nadia Karizat.

The Women of the Far Right: Social Media Influencers and Online Radicalization. Eviane Leidig. Columbia University Press. 2023.

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“…Far-right women are marketing themselves in their most authentic and accessible form while promoting a hateful ideology…A central component of this success lies in the visibility afforded to these far-right women influencers on social media platforms…” (15).

The networked nature of social media platforms has been used by many social movements over the years, such as those that aim to spread content and raise awareness for social justice through hashtags, retweets and links to direct action (eg, Pro-Palestinian, Anti-Zionist Jewish and Black Lives Matter activists). Through the sharing of videos, text and images on social media, efforts are made to bring ideological shifts in the ways society thinks about issues such as police brutality, settler-colonialism, etc. On the flip side, social media platforms are also used by nefarious actors who aim to recruit members and disseminate information for the goals of white supremacy and preservation of so-called Western exceptionalism. In The Woman of the Far Right: Social Media Influencers and Online Radicalization, Eviane Leidig describes the behaviours and practices of far-right women influencers on social media platforms (eg, Instagram, YouTube), observed over three years of digital ethnographic research where Leidig fully immersed herself into the online worlds of these women and their followers.

Eviane Leidig describes the behaviours and practices of far-right women influencers on social media platforms (eg, Instagram, YouTube), observed over three years of digital ethnographic research

Early on, Leidig distinguishes the terms alt-right and far right (although the application is inconsistent throughout the book); she states she uses the term alt-right to refer to a specific political scene in terms of time and place within the broader far-right movement (ie, North America between 2016 and 2019), or in reference to an individual infamous for their leadership within the alt-right (eg, Richard Spencer). Alternatively, the term far right is used to signal “ideological beliefs and practices that remain constant” within this broader movement and context.

The Far-Right movement is characterised by a preoccupation with nativism, extreme nationalism, and authoritarianism with a growing trend of organising around antifeminism and anti-Islam in the hopes of protecting the “good” (white) family

The Far-Right movement is characterised by a preoccupation with nativism, extreme nationalism, and authoritarianism with a growing trend of organising around antifeminism and anti-Islam in the hopes of protecting the “good” (white) family in a “good” heterosexual marriage with children that practice “good” traditional (white) western values. What makes the alt-right unique to other movements within the far right, according to Leidig, is how integral technology has been to its development. This motivated her investigation into alt-right American and Canadian social media influencers to understand how they use social media and its affordances for the promotion of and recruitment into a hateful ideology.

Leidig positions far-right women influencers as the “exception” within a more male-dominated movement.

But, why the focus on women? Leidig positions far-right women influencers as the “exception” within a more male-dominated movement. Yet, she is careful to situate their existence as part of a sustained history where women have been both subjugated within the far-right world view – where whiteness and maleness hold power – while also contributing to the dissemination of its ideology and propaganda. For example, she discusses Lauren Chen, a biracial woman, as a far-right influencer of colour who “supports structures such as white supremacy if it promotes their self-interest.” And so, we see through examples such as these how those with identities that would hold positions with little power in a far-right utopia take advantage of the visibility and microcelebrity-based power accessible within the movement through strategic use of social media.

Instagram stories – posts that do not appear on one’s main Instagram feed and disappear after 24 hours – allow for an influencer’s audience to send direct messages, participate in polls, respond to Q&As or send reactions (eg, a heart icon) and creates a sense of closeness between audience and influencer.

In Chapters Two through Five, Leidig discusses these practices by far-right women influencers through the lens of “networked intimacy”, referring to techniques (eg, social media behaviours, self-presentation strategies) that help to establish a sense of connection between an influencer and their audience with an aura of authenticity and relatability. An example of this Leidig describes is how ephemeral Instagram stories – posts that do not appear on one’s main Instagram feed and disappear after 24 hours – allow for an influencer’s audience to send direct messages, participate in polls, respond to Q&As or send reactions (eg, a heart icon) and creates a sense of closeness between audience and influencer. Leidig argues that this is a strategy of networked intimacy where the possibilities for “direct interaction…offers unfiltered radicalization and recruitment possibilities between far-right women influencers and their followers.” Similarly, far-right women influencers may share curated ‘vulnerable’ content related to seemingly non-political experiences, such as dating experiences or financial advice, that are embedded with subtle far-right messaging but ultimately work to draw-in an unsuspecting audience who then witness the influencers’ political content posted alongside the “not (blatantly) political.” In this way, through strategies of networked intimacy and taking advantage of the visibility and potential for reaching new audiences on mainstream social media, far-right women influencers rely on mainstream social media platforms to retain notoriety and normalise far-right ideologies.

Leidig envisions coordinated responses from governments, civil society and tech business – both online and offline – that may help to counter the far-right movement and prevent the dissemination and uptake of its ideology.

Towards the end of the book, in Chapter Seven, Leidig envisions coordinated responses from governments, civil society and tech business – both online and offline – that may help to counter the far-right movement and prevent the dissemination and uptake of its ideology. For example, in her discussion on efforts from tech companies to counter the far-right, Leidig discusses content moderation approaches with what she refers to as the “Four D’s of content moderation”: deplatforming, demonetization, deranking, and detection.” Leidig argues that deplatforming, which is when a social media platform shuts down an account associated with a certain user, is “an effective strategy that places priorities of victims over that of perpetrators while significantly limiting the influencers’ reach.” Through deplatforming, far-right influencers lose their ability to network intimacy with a receptive audience on a given platform.

Leidig briefly discusses offline efforts, such as civil society and governments working to provide social support that addresses issues such as income inequality, that can help make people less susceptible to buying into the propaganda of these influencers. However, she does not delve into many specifics beyond calls for countering far-right narratives (eg, via counter-influencers online) and valuing the grievances of those who do feel left behind by society. Rather than be prescriptive with solutions, in this last chapter, Leidig imagines many different stakeholders and organisations coordinating responses to reduce the influence, and thus power, of the far-right. It is for us readers and those with positions in power to decide what we do next.

Leidig paints a captivating picture of how far-right women influencers spread and recruit individuals to their movement, with complex messaging around antifeminism, islamophobia, a white racial identity and “western” values.

All in all, in The Women of the Far Right, Leidig paints a captivating picture of how far-right women influencers spread and recruit individuals to their movement, with complex messaging around antifeminism, islamophobia, a white racial identity and “western” values. By keeping her analysis grounded within social media platforms, we understand how the goals of these influencers are made achievable thanks to the features and visibility afforded to them by technology. And as a result, we – the everyday tech user, scholars, designers – are forced to grapple with the many potentials of technology for spreading hate, as well as calls for justice.

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Image Credit: Roman Samborskyi on Shutterstock.