In this blog, Linda Yohannes (MSc Social and Public Communication) highlights the national and political crossroads that impact Ethiopia today and proposes taking a fresh look at, and recognition of, a value-based national identity to move forwards.
As you may have seen in the news, Ethiopia is going through a difficult time; at war with its ex-leaders. But there’s a lot more happening in the country: Ethiopia is opening up to the promise of private investment more than ever before, and taking imperfect but real strides toward becoming a democracy. As we find ourselves in this important national juncture, it may be useful to discuss Ethiopian nationalism and how we may adjust it so that it is fit to the context taking shape in the country.
The current Ethiopian nationalism
It is difficult to make statistical claims about the importance and levels of national identification in Ethiopia due to the absence of polls measuring this. In the UK for example, question in the 2021 census included: “How would you describe your national identity?” Responses included British, English, Welsh, Scottish, Northern Irish or Other. Several authors (e.g. Gebrewold (2009)) state that the current Ethiopian national identity, however, may be the most popular national identification (in comparison to other sub-group identities), both as the only national identity or as a dual or ‘hyphen identity’ with other religious or sub-group identities.
Ethiopian national identity, as in other contexts, is indicated by the celebration of commemorative events (e.g. Adwa victory against colonial Italian forces), the waving of the flag and support towards national sports (e.g. Ethiopian’s stellar performance in world athletics), etc. Although the ancient Ethiopian Orthodox Church is a key national symbol, there is great regard attached to the early arrival of Islam in the country, including at the ancient Al Nejash mosque.
It is important to note that the described national identity and symbolism is not universal and that these are resisted by some groups.
Issues facing Ethiopians today
Ethiopia belongs to 80+ linguistically distinct groups, and many argue (e.g. Hassen, 2002; Seyoum Hameso) that some of these have been culturally, politically and economically oppressed in the past. Others argue they still are. While the severity and type, and sometimes the very claims of oppression are challenged, I believe few educated Ethiopians today would argue that these groups have historically been equal in all domains.
Due to the varied interpretations of the history of the country, an unknown number of people in Ethiopia seem to harbour linguistically-distinct sub-group identities that are disharmonious with the supraordinate national identity. This disharmony over real and perceived political and cultural inequality sometimes goes to the extent of seeking cessation, and often sets pre-conditions before the adoption of the Ethiopian national identity.
Such opposing collective identities have in the past exacerbated violence, destruction and loss of human life, not to mention that they have taken away from political, economic and social resources that could have been utilized toward addressing Ethiopia’s other national problems, primarily poverty.
The second issue that I believe is facing Ethiopians is cultural neoliberalism. Simply defined, cultural neoliberalism is the psychological consequences of engagement with neoliberal systems, both at the individual and social level. As the emerging literature on the subject underlines, capitalism and globalization have brought countless benefits to humanity. But neoliberalism has gone into overdrive. It is undermining individual and social wellbeing because it “extends the logic of market-based liberal capitalism to all aspects of life, including love, family, society and civic obligation” (Adams & Estrada-villalta, 2019).
It is difficult to substantiate if and how growing economic liberalism is affecting the social and individual psychology of Ethiopians. However, as my exploration in the sample of my master’s dissertation suggested, the unique and complex dynamic between increasing market liberalism, poverty, weak institutions and rule of law in Ethiopia may be playing out among Ethiopians in ways that are different from how neoliberalism has played out in western societies. My analysis suggested that increasing unethicality and moral decline, lax commitment to rule of law and institutionalization of norms, aggressive material growth imperative, breakdown of social cohesion, and status and money-seeking may be some of the changes that we are experiencing as a result of exposure to increased market integration.
Adjusting the Ethiopian nationalism to emphasize values
The adjusted Ethiopian national identity I am proposing is a form of nationalism that emphasizes values rather than particular religious, linguistic or physical characteristics. It would predominantly be informed by values from Ethiopia’s indigenous base. Two such possible values are: communality/sociality and faithful living.
As a form of nationalism that emanates from personal and emotional attachments, the proposed nationalism is more similar to ethnic nationalism rather than civic nationalism, which is cold and dispassionate, though popular and discursively has become the conventional wisdom of our time. But unlike ethnic or cultural nationalism, it is not identified by language or ancestry but rather by underlying philosophies and outlook for life. Such a national identity would convey the meaning that to be ‘a typical Ethiopian’ is not to speak, look, dress or dance a certain way, but rather to act and live according to these values – values ontologically drawn from the peoples that make up Ethiopia. The important part in this will be to balance such a strong in-group identity with an inclusionary view of “others” who subscribe to different orientations. It is a conception of Ethiopia as a fundamentally communal, super-family-like society with strong spiritual lives of individuals. It is more unifying than civic nationalism and not exclusionary like some extreme ethnic nationalisms have been, not excluding in Ethiopia.
Communality/sociality: communality in Ethiopia is an age-old value that dictates that one’s existence is rooted and cannot be abstracted from the immediate and wider community. It is the paradigm we live by at the village level, hence the most pervasive across Ethiopia. It is a view of “me” as inseparable from the body of “us.” The belief that we are not something without each other. It is a value that compels one to consider others, share possessions and responsibilities, and adhere to social norms. (Fiske, 1992).
Faithful living: As a lived experience of the overwhelming majority (99%) (Central Statistical Agency, 2007), religiosity forms the knowledge system of Ethiopians. Without ascribing this religiosity to any one specific faith, a national identity that supports faithful living can benefit from the potential effectiveness of the proscriptive and prescriptive principles of morality found within spiritual beliefs in addressing social issues, for example, the moral imperatives of integrity, compassion, abhorrence of injustice, humility and reverence to human life.
In addressing the two issues facing Ethiopia outlined above – sub-group identities disharmonious with the supraordinate national identity and cultural neoliberalism – the adjustment proposed contributes to a range of conflict-attenuating and fulfilling qualities. By promoting contentment in non-material objects, faithful living limits the excesses of neoliberal psychology. Both values nurture pro-sociality and delay neoliberalism’s push to break down individual-social ties. In addressing inter-group tensions, spirituality contributes to inclusiveness, emanating from the view that diversity and cultures are manifestations of the divine. With Ethiopia’s long experience with peaceful religious coexistence, it could radically open up doors toward acceptance of a more “colourful” nation of 100+ million, whose different groups are unified by a wilful togetherness, on their own terms, held together and nurtured by the two underlying values, whatever their symbolic and practical manifestations become.
Conclusion
The recognition of communality and faithfulness (both of which are already major parts of Ethiopians’ day-to-day lives) in a national ideology provides Ethiopians the ability to maintain their status quo while also providing them with an epistemic ground upon which to imagine and consider alternative status quos for their future.
Apart from discourse by political and social elites and public deliberation, such an ideology can be mobilized formally through policies and legislation that support and articulate its practice, as well as its revision in a democratic manner.
Economic-model wise, how the fruits of capitalism are managed would be a critical point. Ambitious welfare systems that minimize inequality, with redistributive aims, and form part of the national identity as in the Nordic model may be useful examples. In addition to the public sector, welfare may be innovatively provided through traditional welfare institutions in Ethiopia, including social, community, philanthropic, private and voluntary mechanisms.
But most importantly, the erasure of identity that neoliberalism could entail as a result of its “standardization of cultural patterns for ease of consumption,” (Adams & Estrada-villalta, 2019) is what Ethiopia needs to consider, before it causes us a loss of the chance to chart our own journey in answering the question what kind of we do we want to be? And now more than ever seems to be a good time to do this, as we open our country to the promises of private investment and at the critical political juncture we seem to find our many selves in.
Notes:
- The views expressed in this post are of the author and not the Department of Psychological and Behavioural Science nor the LSE.
- The featured image has been used with the permission of the photographer Mulugeta Ayene.
