May 16 2012

Response to Mobile Censorship Report: More Debate, Reseach, & Testing Technical Solutions

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Sonia LivingstoneThe Report on Mobile Internet Censorship usefully brings some transparency to an important issue. It is perhaps curious that most people seem not to know that mobile phone companies have deployed an ‘adult content’ filter for quite some time, yet the debate over active choice vs. opt-in or out-out policies for the fixed internet has been hugely controversial. As an observer of these debates, I would comment that:
 

    • It is too simple to pitch child protection against freedom of expression as if the two goals could be traded off against each other. Offline, society has achieved a broadly consensual though undoubtedly complex, demanding and evolving array of means to achieve both goals and, additionally, it has developed some widely trusted processes for regulating and, indeed, challenging these means as necessary. Now we must do the same online. My preferred analogy is that of town planning – a sphere in which we have evolved broadly accountable procedures by which the public environment is managed differently from that of private spaces and by which particular access conditions or careful rules for entry ensure that children do not encounter certain parts of adult society. Of course there are many grounds for concern and complaint – town planning is never popular! – but we cannot imagine life without it, and its complexities are, I suggest, preferable to talk of either bans or laissez faire solutions.  

     

    • Thus it is time to move beyond emotive, even alarmist language on both sides. This is a truly difficult and complex landscape: the harms on all sides are still insufficiently understood, and the policy tools available are still developing. There are some key empirical questions still unresolved. What do consumers, understood in all their diversity, really want in terms of both content and technical tools? How far can regulatory and awareness-raising activities influence parents so as to protect and enable their children online, preferably in accordance with their own values and the needs of their children? What proportion of parents can and will take up ‘active choice’ and will that leave a vulnerable minority of children unprotected?

     

    • Rather than accusing either side of ‘failing’, the important thing is that this debate is taking place, policy options are being tried and tested, and that a range of solutions is being actively considered. For internet content (mobile and fixed), one or another form of filtering appears to be the main technical solution on offer. For now, it seems, the question is not whether to filter, but how. And the ‘how’ question should include not only issues of active choice or opt-in or opt-out but also questions of transparency, accountability and effectiveness. For each of these, we are used to high standards being set offline, and it is time to see these also developing online.

     

    • So let us commend the industry for its active efforts to develop technical solutions to the problems that many parents and the public are calling for. At this point, I suggest that the more solutions being trialled, the better, and I would urge that we experiment with active choice, opt-in, opt-out and more, and conduct an independent and comparative evaluation of the results of all these solutions. This is important because research shows that children are encountering unwanted and/or upsetting or inappropriate content online, that parents are very concerned and feel disempowered to act, and that current take-up of available end-user technical solutions is only partial.

     

    • But since the report suggests that some over-blocking occurs (though as a percentage of content transmitted, the usual measure of over-blocking, this appears very small indeed), since there are plenty of other problems with filters also, and since it is unclear that current processes of redress are adequate, let us also demand of the industry that these tools are transparently operated, open to challenge and correction, constantly improving, and independently evaluated in terms of their effectiveness.
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May 15 2012

Sexting: The Risks of Everyday Sexualised Communication among Children

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Jessica RingroseJessica Ringrose of the Institute of Educationof the University of London announces new findings indicating it is time to stop focusing just on the dangers of sexually explicit images and unknown predators and look at how young people are engaging in ‘sexting’ among their peers.

What is ‘sexting’? In the law and from the perspective of much mainstream media sexting is typically understood to be the exchange of sexually explicit or nude photos. Concern has so far focused on the illegality of underage images.  However as a new report published by the NSPCC  demonstrates, we need to move away from a focus on ‘stranger danger’ and the abstract threat of pornography on the internet. The report shows that young people need help in managing the everyday use of technology and their peer gender relations at school including those that are sexual or likely to become sexual, especially if these become coercive.

Technology is not neutral. It creates more intense and prolonged degrees of contact between peers. It facilitates the visual objectification of bodies via the creation, exchange, collection, ranking and display of images. But the report demonstrates how boy and girl bodies are treated differently and technology can amplify sexual double standards. This is important, and links in crucial ways to Lynne Featherstone’s body confidence campaign. We must find ways to encourage young people’s confidence and well-being about their physical bodies and sexuality.

Girls are most adversely impacted by sexting because of a sexual double standard. Boys are to be admired and ‘rated’ for possessing photos. Girls are encouraged to send images then blamed and called ‘stupid’ ‘skets’ if they do. They are also vilified in the media.  Collecting images of boys’ bodies does not carry the same kudos for girls. Girls are also at risk if they openly speak about sexual activities and practices, where boys are actually at risk of peer exclusion if they do not brag about sexual experiences. 

This means it is very important to differentiate if and when sexting becomes coercive. Sexting does not refer to a single activity but rather to a range of activities typically motivated by sexual pleasure, flirting and fun.  But given the wider culture of sexism and sexual double standards it is not surprising that this can sometimes become coercive.

Sexting reveals and relates to a wider sexist, sexualised culture. Young people are managing globalised consumer oriented cultures. There are gendered expectations on appearance and bodies (being very thin, having large breasts or big muscles) and gendered scripts of masculinity and femininity with pressures around certain forms of sexuality where coercion may be seen as normal.

It will not surprise you, then, that we urgently need educational resources. E-safety strategies need to address the type of peer generated content I’ve explored, and include up-to-date, realistic resources like film clips. We need gender sensitive, support that does not treat sexting as the fault of girls, and also we cannot simply demonize boys. Many existing resources are based on sexual stereotypes and worst case scenarios, are moralising and implicitly place the burden of blame on girls for sending a photo, thereby reproducing the problematic message that girls’ are to protect their innocent virginal body from the predatory over-sexed male. This in itself is a form of victimisation, which can be harmful. We need resources that offer practical and ethical ways to challenge and overturn the sexual double standard whilst empowering both girls and boys, considering the sexual health and pleasure of all young people as a right.

Sexting itself is not inherently coercive or harmful, but there are some clear legal aspects and social consequences which need to be understood and avoided by young people.

Jessica Ringrose is the lead researcher and author of the report ‘A qualitative study of children, young people and ‘sexting’, which was co-authored with Rosalind Gill, Kings College London, Sonia Livingstone, London School of Economics, and Laura Harvey, Open University.

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May 15 2012

Response to Mobile Censorship Report: A Few Misclassifications is Not Censorship

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Hamish Macleod, MBGHamish Macleod, Chair of the Mobile Broadband Group, responds to the Mobile Censorship Report pointing out that the industry has transparent codes, standards are evolving, and, while filtering may not be perfect, a few misclassified sites do not amount to censorship.

How to offer appropriate protection to children on the Internet is a challenge that policy makers have been wrestling with for many years. It is necessary to navigate a path that does not unnecessarily restrict personal freedoms, is technically simple for customers to implement (or remove), can be executed via numerous distribution channels, across a range of devices, and can be applied with reasonable accuracy and consistency across hundreds of millions of web sites.

The mobile operators in the UK have been working in this field since 2002, when the first 3G mobile devices started to become available. In those times only a very small proportion of children accessed the Internet through their mobile device. In anticipation of significant growth in use by children, the UK’s mobile operators, under the auspices of the Mobile Broadband Group, published a code of practice in 2004, with a view to offering a safe browsing experience for children.

The Code has a number of elements. For the purposes of today’s discussion the most relevant relates to content available on the Internet, where operators have no control over what is available. A filter to the mobile operator’s Internet access service is therefore provided so that the content thus accessible can be restricted for children. The filter is set at a level that is intended to filter out content approximately equivalent to commercial content[1] with a classification of 18, as determined by the Independent Mobile Classification Body, a body appointed by the operators under one of the commitments in the Code.

The Mobile Broadband Group Code has a strong claim to be one of the most successful in its field. The Code was the first of its kind and was used as the template for similar codes throughout the European Union. That said, child protection remains a very challenging policy area. It is not possible to achieve total perfection in a very dynamic environment – customers do not always have strong technical knowledge, children can be adept at finding ways round the protection systems and there are now supposed to be 644,275,754 active websites to classify.

There are no official benchmarks for classification accuracy. The British Standards Institution some years ago attempted to create a Publicly Available Standard for filtering systems, which required 99.99% filtering accuracy. If a ‘Six Sigma’ manufacturing standard were to be used a 99.99966% degree of accuracy would be required (in the context of 644m websites, 2,190 misclassified websites). Even allowing for the ORG missing a few, 60 misclassified websites does not amount to anything that could reasonably be described as ‘censorship’, particularly when mobile operators are happy to remove the filters when customers show they are over 18 and will re-classify websites when misclassifications are pointed out to them. This is how the small handful of web sites that get referred to mobile operators each year are already dealt with.

We believe that the vast majority of customers recognise the need for solutions in this area for the greater good – just as people are happy to show ID in off licences if they look under 25 (I would just be happy to be asked!).

In conclusion, I would like to emphasise the areas of agreement between the ORG and the MBG. The ORG agrees that giving safer access to children is a worthwhile goal. The MBG as well as the ORG would also like to see greater availability of filtering systems for mobile devices themselves – but the market is just not there yet. The MBG has also been working on a more comprehensive filtering framework for the mobile Internet and will announce developments on that front later in 2012.

The MBG will ensure that any misclassifications reported are corrected and will consider the ORG’s report carefully. We welcome stakeholder input from all points of view (and the ORG will be aware that many hold strong opposing views to theirs) and we will continue to develop appropriate child safety policy for an ever changing environment.


[1] Commercial content – means content provided by commercial content providers (encompassing own brand and third party providers) to their mobile customers

This post also appeared on ORGZine operated by Open Rights Group.

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May 14 2012

Response to Mobile Censorship Report: Filtering is not the Solution

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Jo GranvilleJo Glanville, editor of Index on Censorship, responds to the Mobile Internet Censorship report and further argues that, while children need to be protected, mobile filtering is not an effective solution.

LSE Media Policy Project and Open Rights Group (ORG) have performed a valuable public service with their new report on mobile phones and internet censorship. Just as the government has announced a consultation on protecting children from adult content online, ORG and LSE have clearly demonstrated the harm caused to freedom of expression by default blocking. Their pragmatic solutions need to be implemented as a matter of urgency.

            It has long been demonstrated that filtering systems are a blunt tool that censor content beyond the sites that are targeted. Lack of transparency and oversight, along with poor systems for appeal, means blocked sites may be unable to get themselves removed from a blacklist. ORG and LSE also provide alarming evidence of mobile phone companies’ failure to act when informed that a site has been wrongly blocked.

            The report acknowledges parents’ need to protect their children, but the current system impedes access to information to an alarming degree. The report finds that personal and political blogs, as well as political advocacy sites, are blocked on mobile phones, as well as access to sites that are an important source of public information – this includes the award-winning Tor site, which is a leading privacy tool for activists and the site Biased-BBC which challenges the BBC’s record for impartiality. Filtering systems depend on an automated process and the scope for error is worryingly broad, yet it is still baffling how these sites came to be classified as ‘adult’ or sexual content.

            ORG and LSE’s research demonstrate that the criteria for blocking content on mobile phones are alarmingly opaque and that companies do not clearly inform their customers that their phones are blocked by default.  As the report points out, the blocking of content on mobiles falls foul of every one of UN Special Rapporteur Frank La Rue’s recommendations last year for protecting access to information online – most notably perhaps that any restrictions should be ‘governed by law and a clear legal process’.

            ORG and LSE’s recommendations include giving customers the chance to choose to opt-in to a filtering system rather than having it thrust upon them; that mobile phone companies should inform customers about the source of the filtering technology, as well as providing clear ways of checking if a site is blocked and regularly reviewing filtering systems and their efficacy.

            These are sensible and necessary proposals. The current panic around protection of children has introduced the mistaken belief that filtering is a solution. ORG and LSE have provided the timely evidence to show that it is, on the contrary, damaging. Mobile phone companies should respond with measures to address these concerns, while the government should fully ponder the consequences of introducing further censorship.

 

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May 14 2012

Report on Mobile Internet Filtering Proposes “Active Choice”, Transparency

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Today, the Media Policy Project is co-publishing an Open Rights Group report on mobile Internet filtering in the UK. Looking into the filtering practices of mobile ISPs, the ORG report lays out four key points and recommendations:

1. Mobile Internet censorship mechanisms suffer from over-blocking, a lack of transparency and problems correcting mistakes.
2. Filtering systems designed to give parents a way to manage their children’s access to the mobile Internet actually affect many more users than intended and block many more sites than they should.
3. To fix this, mobile operators need to offer an ‘active choice’, be far more transparent and open, and provide easier ways to correct mistakes.
4. More broadly, the lessons from mobile filtering suggest that fixed-line Internet filtering should concentrate on users and devices rather than networks, be properly described as ‘parental controls’ and above all involve an ‘active choice’, not be set by default.

Decisions involving internet filtering, blocking and censorship are nearly always contested. Two recent examples, the blocking in the UK of The Pirate Bay and the debate over how to minimize children’s exposure to online pornography, prove no exception.

Mobile filtering is especially problematic. As mobile hardware becomes more complex and mobile network access increases, the impact of these implementations of filtering will spread to more users.

Our intention is that this report inspires some debate and serious thought about these issues, so we will also be posting responses to the report in the coming days.  If you have an opinion on the issue of mobile internet filtering, let us know in the comments.

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May 11 2012

Unintended Consequences of Mobile Filtering

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Peter Bradwell, Campaigner at the Open Rights Group, warns of the dangers of default censorship.

The past few days have seen a lot of attention given to the neo Mary Whitehouse campaign for default censorship. It’s important to remember that filtering systems are fallible – for example, they ‘catch’ too much content, whether by accident or abuse.

Recently we happened upon a fine example. Through our reporting website Blocked.org.uk, we established that the website of anti-violence advocates Conciliation Resources is blocked by mobile networks Orange, O2 and Vodafone by their child protection filters. That block applies by default on pay-as-you-go contracts. O2′s URL checker, which shows how websites are categorised and why they are blocked on the network, tells us the site is classified as ‘pornography’:

Here’s what Conciliation Resources actually do:

“supports people at the heart of conflicts who are striving to find solutions. We work with them to deepen our collective understanding of the conflict, bring together divided communities and create opportunities for them to resolve their differences peacefully.”

I had a look around the site, and I couldn’t find any pornography. Or any reason why it would be a bad idea for a young person to have access to the site.

The group’s funders (according to their accounts) have included the Department for International Development, the European Commission and the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust. One wonders how they would feel knowing that websites of organisations they fund are being caught by censorship systems here in the UK, and moreover, that this is because they are considered to be pornographic.

This is clearly a mistake. But it demonstrates a key flaw with Internet filtering. It tends to block far too much content, both because the categories of blockable content are so broad (see Orange’s categories) and because the systems doing the filtering make mistakes.

We will be publishing a report next week, jointly with the LSE Media Policy Project, which will detail the key problems with mobile networks’ Internet filtering. It shows that this kind of over-blocking is by no means unusual. We’ve found political and personal blogs, restaurants’ websites and community group sites caught by the filters.

This kind of problem is an inevitable byproduct of network level blocking. It creates an infrastructure that will, either through abuse or accident, deny people access to all sorts of legitimate content.

All the previous independent reviews of this issue – including the one commissioned by this Government that reported only last year, and the Byron reviews for the previous government - have recommended an ‘active choice’ approach, giving parents the decision about what tools to install. The evidence from academics such as Professor Sonia Livingstone from LSE points at proportionate response based on engaged parenting and clear choices about tools for managing internet access. This modern day Mary Whitehouse campaign is the lone voice that says otherwise. So we would welcome the mooted consultation.

This blog originally appeared on the Open Rights Group website.

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May 7 2012

Children and online pornography – does the evidence justify calls for more regulation?

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Sonia LivingstoneSonia Livingstone, author of Media Regulation and director of the EU Kids Online network, examines the current debate over children’s access to pornography on the internet.

Findings from my EU Kids Online survey have been much quoted in the current debate over how online pornography should be regulated. But I worry about the policies that they are being used to justify. On one hand, the problems associated with online porn and children may be exaggerated. On the other hand, insofar as there is a genuine case to answer, the policy solutions on offer may not be an adequate response to harms we do not really understand. As I argue below, one difficulty is that there isn’t any trusted body charged with limiting children’s access to online pornography, and so opposing sides are forced to call attention to their concerns via the unsubtle language of media headlines.

My research shows that for UK 9-16 year olds :

  • One quarter (24%) say that they have seen sexual images in the past 12 months, whether online or offline – this includes 16% who saw these images on television or DVD, 11% who saw them online and 5% who saw them on their phone.
  • Among those children who saw online sexual images, 41% of their parents say their child hasn’t seen this (although 30% recognise that they have and 29% don’t know).
  • Also among those children who saw online sexual images, 24% say they were bothered or upset by what they saw – or, to put it differently, 3% of UK 9-16 year olds say they have been upset by online pornography. Perhaps unsurprisingly, although 9-10 year olds are less likely to see sexual images online, they are more likely to be bothered or upset if they do see them.
  • It’s difficult to discover exactly what children have seen, but we did ask the 11-16 year olds about this – 8% say they have seen nudity online, 6% saw images of people having sex, 6% saw genitals and 2% saw violent sexual images.

Moreover, parents are pressing politicians to take action. New findings from EU Kids Online show that 31% of parents of 9-16 year olds ‘worry a lot’ about their child seeing inappropriate content on the internet. And nearly as many (30%) parents of teens worry about this as do parents of younger children (32%)

So it seems that there is a problem. But just how big it is, who is responsible and what should be done are all complex questions. The easy availability of pornography, including hard-core pornography that isn’t behind a pay wall or otherwise restricted to over 18s – try typing the word ‘porn’ into a search engine and see what you get – marks a real change in the risks faced by children who, now, nearly all use the internet, most of them daily, mostly away from the scrutiny of their parents or teachers.

From the Daily Mail headlines (e.g. “Online porn: Now Labour joins battle for automatic ban on Internet giants ‘exploiting children’”) to MP Claire Perry’s recent ‘Independent Parliamentary Inquiry into Online Child Protection’, resulting in Lady Howe’s proposed bill, recent weeks have seen calls on all sides for increased regulation. Whether something will be written into the long awaited Green Paper on Communications may depend on the effectiveness of industry self-regulation, and this is presently uncertain in terms of both implementation and results. What has been done so far?

  • The mobile phone companies serving UK children have implemented an ‘opt-in’ scheme for several years now (i.e. only those who can prove they are an adult may get pornography on their phones).
  • The government’s Bailey Review called on the major Internet Service Providers to operate ‘Active Choice’, meaning that new subscribers (and, eventually, existing ones also) would be asked whether or not they wished pornography to be available online.
  • Discussions are taking place to see how a similar regime might be applied to public WiFi access.
  • The UK Council for Child Internet Safety has promoted the wider provision of easy-to-use parental controls (i.e. optional end user filtering) as one key element of its Click Clever, Click Safe strategy.
  • Most internet and mobile providers report taking down a range of content that contravenes their terms and conditions to their customers, though exactly what they take down is not transparent and plenty of online pornography is still readily available.

Some of these initiatives are more effective than others, and many anxieties remain – not just from parents but also political concerns about the effect on civil liberties and over-blocking of free speech, technical/practical concerns about the effectiveness and ease-of-use of filters (which are improving but still inadequate) and, last but not least, social concerns about take-up among ordinary families. Here the worry  is that the children protected by opt-in solutions tend to be those with parents who are both confident in using the internet and conscientious in supporting their kids (in the UK, the EU Kids Online survey shows that 54% of UK parents of 9-16 year olds have installed filters at home). Since children living in disadvantaged or vulnerable circumstances may be ill-served by ‘opt-in’ or even ‘active choice’ solutions, the call by Claire Perry and others for ‘opt-out’ solutions (i.e. default blocking of online pornography) is clearly gaining support.

I suggest that one reason why this issue seems so prominent, so hotly contested, is that there is no established and trusted body charged with managing the availability of pornography on the internet. So those who want something done must raise their voices in the public sphere to keep online porn high on the agenda. But mass mediated debates tend also to be panicky and haphazard, and myths (e.g. of a generation of porn-addicted children) and misunderstandings (e.g. that all risk inevitably results in harm) abound.

Can there be, for the internet as for established media, a trusted body to help determine these questions (consider the work of Ofcom, BBC, ASA and BBFC)? Both ATVOD and the IWF are working hard to establish trustworthy reputations regarding online content of specific kinds (video-on-demand and illegal child abuse content respectively), though neither has a remit to  adjudicate  in relation to the many  websites springing up to provide free legal but explicit sexual content without any age-verification or pay wall. But remits can be extended, as the media landscape evolves, and extending the remit of any one of these bodies to help prevent or reduce children’s access to pornography online – as already in place for other media – would surely allay fears and extend an already-successful regulatory strategy for the UK. It is important to note regarding current regulatory bodies that, not only are they generally trusted, but also their regulatory activities are generally evidence-based, transparent and accountable, the outcome of public consultation and deliberation. Such evidence-based deliberation is vital because matters are far more complex than any simple polarisation of civil liberties and child protection agendas would suggest. In addition to offering some facts and figures on the incidence of risk, the EU Kids Online network also argues that:

  • ‘Risk’ is not the same as ‘harm’. Rather, risk refers to the probability of harm. Seeing pornography online may be harmful to children but it may not. It depends on the nature of the images and on the personal circumstances of the child. The minority of vulnerable children may be more at risk of harm from online pornography. Rather more may be more at risk of harm from pornography when it is abusive or degrading to women (or men). But conclusive evidence will always be lacking since we cannot ethically expose a random selection of children to pornography and monitor the outcomes for scientific purposes.
  • Also complicating matters, risk may have positive as well as negative outcomes. For many children, some exposure to some risk is necessary to build resilience. We cannot wrap our children in cotton wool and protect them from the world forever, and we must allow our teenagers to explore their sexuality away from our often-disapproving gaze. But for some children, the same exposure may be harmful – depending on lots of factors, and this contingency – where much depends on the child, the online content, and the circumstances – cannot be avoided.

So we need strategies that allow for the complexity of the situation, and that’s difficult in a heated debate with strong views on all sides. Currently, no-one bears the responsibility for this issue – so that would be my starting point. Give the problem of online pornography to Ofcom or ATVOD or another trusted body, and focus on managing what children in this country have access to, rather than who has jurisdiction over the source of the content. Then at least there would be a trusted organisation who could commission some research, ensure an inclusive debate, set a workable balance between the responsibility of industry and of parents, sidestep the heated realms of both the media and parliament, and reach a settlement whose outcome and effectiveness can be independently monitored.

Sonia Livingstone is Head of the Department of Media and Communications at the LSE.

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May 4 2012

Costs and benefits of superfast broadband in the UK

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Claire MilneClaire Milne, Visiting Senior Fellow in the LSE’s Department of Media and Communications, discusses the newly published report “Costs and Benefits of Superfast Broadband in the UK.” Claire wrote the report along with Robert Milne of Antelope Consulting and LSE researcher Paolo Dini.

Written in two parts, the report first looks at Current plans and prospects for superfast broadband then moves into a longer-term perspective on An interdisciplinary view of superfast broadband, community currencies and smart solutions.

Convergys commissioned the report in the hopes that it would “stimulate open and constructive debate among the main stakeholders about the balance between the costs, the business case, and the societal benefits of superfast broadband” in the UK context. We therefore took a long hard look at the plentiful and often confusing literature on this subject.

The report highlights how modest public funding for broadband is compared with that for transport or energy, leading to the assessment of a £1 billion shortfall for superfast broadband deployment. Yet funding for broadband infrastructure in turn hugely outweighs money available for getting non-users online. The recently launched Go-On-UK initiative, building on the work of RaceOnline2012, is, in its own words, “a radical new cross-sector partnership that has set itself an extraordinary challenge: to bring the benefits of the internet to every individual and every organisation in every community across the UK”. Government apparently supports the initiative, but not, so far, with funding. Could this be the most productive use yet for public broadband funds?

At the root of the debate surrounding government’s broadband plan is the issue of how much bandwidth the country will actually need in order to achieve economic and social objectives. Two very different positions are argued here, well illustrated in evidence submitted to the House of Lords Enquiry on Superfast Broadband. For example, Dr Peter Cochrane, formerly BT’s Chief Technology Officer, argued that “internet access at a high speed is a sine qua non of success in the modern world…a strategic utility and an overriding economic requirement for the future well-being of this country”, with  examples of future uses, including 3D printing as well as the more usual e-health and e-education, and concluding “I want to engineer for tomorrow with my sight on the future. There is a huge cost in getting this wrong. If we go fibre halfway, we will have to upgrade at some point. If we put 20 Mbps in, we will be re-engineering it within a couple of years”.

Many people, both industry insiders and outsiders, would agree with him, sharing a clear vision of the need for very high bandwidth to each home, typically 100Mbps or more. But Rob Kenny of consultancy Communications Chambers challenges this view, suggesting that the capacity of human beings to absorb information sets a fundamental limit, of maybe 30Mbps or so, on what the ordinary household is likely to be able to use. Kenny claims that much of the benefit we see from broadband can already be achieved with 2Mbps, that there are diminishing returns to investment in ever higher speeds, and that people are unwilling to pay much more for superfast services, even in Korea whose experience is often used to support the opposite viewpoint. He argues that “…uptake of basic broadband is far more important than availability of superfast” and that any government funding should first promote internet use by people who are not yet online.

These differing views on levels of need for broadband are reflected in differences on how best to fulfil the need. Cochrane thinks fibre to the home is the only sensible way forward and consequently has made sure that he and his village neighbours get this, through a DIY approach. Kenny thinks the much cheaper solution of fibre to the street cabinet, with the last lap over copper, will serve most people well enough for a long time. Both agree that for remote locations, wireless distribution will have an important part to play, though they differ on how remote you need to be for wireless to be the solution.  For use on the move, and, according to some people, for reaching homes even in urban areas, more effective uses of wireless could be crucial – the Institution for Engineering and Technology puts this case in its submission to Jeremy Hunt’s open letter on the Communications Review.

Given these very different expert ideas of future needs, principles for policy seem remarkably consistent. Many voices call for more and better competition at the wholesale level, and more co-operative approaches to providing backbone infrastructure open to use by all comers. Everyone agrees on the vital importance of using spectrum well. Of course, commercial interests are bound to diverge on what all this means in practice. But nobody disagrees that everybody should have a chance to share the benefits of broadband internet. The latest ONS statistics show 8.2 million adults as still offline, with DDA-registered disabled people accounting for nearly half of these, being over three times more likely never to have used the internet than non-disabled people.

“Costs and Benefits of Superfast Broadband in the UK” was published by LSE Enterprise and produced through the Department of Media and Communications for Convergys Smart Revenue Solutions. Claire Milne can be contacted at c.milne@lse.ac.uk.

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May 3 2012

Twitter Election Polls Problematic: New LSE Research Finds

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May 2 2012

Brussels Moving on Murdoch?

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Media pluralism has surfaced periodically in Brussels since the publication of the 1992 European Commission Working Paper on Media Pluralism. Policymakers have skirted around the issue of whether concentration rules can be harmonised, and the Parliament, the Council of Europe and the European Council have periodically voiced concern about the implications of media concentration for European Democracy. The Commission has funded a lot of research, but little progress has been made on new policy instruments, because the issue tends to be guarded rather jealously at the Member-State Level.

The LSE Media Policy Project can reveal however that with the support of the European Parliament, and the European Commission, a coalition of civil society organisations is in the process of organising a high level summit in Brussels, on the 27th June. Ed Richards of Ofcom and Neelie Kroes are among an illustrious list of speakers from politics and the media in what promises to be an event that reinvigourates European Policymaking on this topic.

During the Berlusconi controversy in Italy and a process of media consolidation in member states to the East, a succession of new initiatives has been launched. In 2009, Professor Peggy Valcke of the University of Leuven was appointed to develop a monitoring tool on media pluralism. The report, in which the author played a minor role as an expert on the UK, was never taken up, but it was used by the Italian regulator, Agcom to monitor the health of the Italian media system. One outcome of the current process could be more intensive monitoring of the health of European media systems, perhaps a prelude to stricter and more harmonised rules.

Simultaneously with the emergence of the phone hacking scandal in the UK, Brussels appears to be gaining momentum. In September 2011, EC Commissioner for Media, Neelie Kroes set up a high level working group to examine issues of media freedom and pluralism. It’s first topic is state interference in media, but the terms of reference deal directly with the ethical issues raised by Phone Hacking.  The terms of reference for the expert group are to examine:

• limitations to media freedom arising from political interference (state intervention or national legislation)

• limitations to media independence arising from private and commercial interference

• the question of the concentration of media ownership and its consequence for media freedom/pluralism and on the independence of journalists

• existing or potential legal threats to the protection of journalists’ rights and their profession in Member States

• the role and independence of regulatory authorities

• existing or potential measures in favour of quality journalism, ethics and media accountability, within the respective competences of national, EU and international authorities.

The EC has also set up a new research centre in Florence that has run a series of expert conferences on the topic of media pluralism and ownership. It is not clear yet whether the high level group and the research centre amount to a new sense of purpose from the European Institutions after the bruising events in Italy and in the UK, or whether they are the equivalent of kicking the policy ball into the long grass. Their outcome will depend on what happens in the coming months, and the willingness of Member states – now revealed as captured by corporate power – to cede some of the policy initiative to Brussels.

 

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Posted by: Posted on by Damian Tambini Tagged with: , , ,