Apr 24 2012

What About Women? But What About the Men?

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Linnéa Sandström reviews last night’s British Government@LSEand Fawcett Society pre-election mayoral debate: What About Women? arguing that the candidate’s unwillingness to include men in the debate offers little for long-term solutions for mothers in employment. This post has been cross-posted from the LSE Politics and Policy blog.

 

On Monday April 23rd, three mayoral hopefuls and Conservative campaigner Victoria Borwick arrived at the LSE to debate the topic “what about women?”. The discussion ranged  from gender budgeting to women’s security on the streets.

Boris Johnson, the current mayor standing for re-election, was missing from the debate – a fact that did not go unnoticed in the Twitterverse where several people seemed confounded by his absence. Victoria Borick acted as Boris’s substitute which may have actually appeased some women who, like women in the US, are increasingly annoyed by having men discuss women’s issues.

With London recently having been named the worst place in the UK to be a woman it would certainly have been interesting to hear Johnson’s ideas on how to change the city’s reputation. Unfortunately Borwick was restricted to highlighting what had been done in the past and could not make any definitive statements or promises. She did give some insight into the policy priorities of London Conservatives but her perspectives are not the ones standing in line at the ballot box.

Questions had been submitted in advance and ranged from the commitment to publishing and gender assessing the Mayor’s budget to quotas, violence against women, objectification in the media and work-life balance. While there were many issues that the candidates agreed on such as transparency, access to abortion and reproductive health care, and the urgency of providing better services to survivors of rape and domestic violence, there were also issues they disagreed on such as the necessity for gender quotas in various institutions.

Given the current economic climate, some topics stood out as more interesting than others, particularly those that involved policies directly affecting women’s employment. While all candidates agreed that access to part-time jobs and flexibility of working times needed to be increased, the the real gender implications could be seen when the issue of childcare was raised. In the UK, as well as across Europe, women are far more likely to be in part-time jobs than men and they are more likely to cite childcare as a reason for why they choose to work part-time.

Although the candidates respected women’s autonomy and freedom to choose their employment, it seemed very odd that none of the candidates once asked why women chose to trade their higher paid jobs for lower paid, lower status jobs. Instead, Borwick continued to refer to women as carers and, while women certainly do take on the larger part of caring within the household, the underpinning logic was never questioned. The role was assumed to be a given in the experience of being a woman. It was noticeable that both Jenny Jones (Green Party) and Borwick, the two female debaters on the panel, kept on talking about a ‘sisterhood’ as if women and their issues can be homogenised.

The logic then followed that reaching a critical mass of women within institutions would without doubt lead to a ‘woman-friendly’ world where more part-time jobs and more flexible work schedules would be made available. Anyone who attended the debate arranged by the European Parliament in London on  2nd March this year, would know that this is not necessarily the case.  Businesswoman Heather McGregor argued that the reason why a lot of women are not represented on boards is because they are not willing to make the tough choices necessary to have a successful career.

Meanwhile, Brian Paddick, Liberal Democrat, argued that ‘daddy months’ (a month or several reserved just for the father, or as in Sweden’s gender neutral legislation, for each parent) should not be included in parental leave because the family needs to be able to make those choices themselves. By comparison Swedish parental leave guarantees that each parent is entitled to half the parental leave and 60 non-transferrable days. Despite this, women in Sweden still take 75 per cent of the total parental leave even though 85 per cent of fathers take some parental leave. The lack of willingness on Paddick’s part to lobby for policies targeted at men’s parenting practices would seem to do little to bring gender equality into lives of women.

Labour candidate Ken Livingstone discussed the difficulties of working women in London to  undertake childcare responsibilities while also having to travel on average 40 minutes to work. He argued, along with all the other candidates, that childcare needs to be more accessible. If combined with Paddick’s promise to introduce a part-time travel card for part-time workers, the situation may at least be improved. However, it does nothing to challenge the role of women as primary caretakers, which is what leads them to take on lower paid part-time jobs in the first place.

The seeming unwillingness to include men in the debate put the candidates in a position where they tried to address one half of the issues they spoke about while completely neglecting the other. Trying to frame working mothers and women in part-time as the issue does little to address the underlying structures in society that continue to put women, rather than men, in the position in part-time, low status and low earning jobs. In order to fully address women’s issues and come with helpful policy suggestions the candidates need to address women not as separate from the rest of society, but as a part of the structure in which men and women co-exist.

Linnea Sandström is an MSc student in Gender, Policy and Inequalities at the Gender Institute. Having graduated in June 2011 with an MA in Social Sciences (Politics) from the University of Glasgow she is now exploring citizenship issues and how to bring together feminist theory and policy. She is also a member of the Engenderings editorial collective.
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Apr 8 2012

Book Review: Tory Pride and Prejudice: The Conservative Party and Homosexual Law Reform

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In this post Emma Spruce reviews the book Tory Pride and Prejudice: The Conservative Party and Homosexual Law Reform and asks how far have the Conservative Party really come with supporting gay rights and accepting the LGBT community? Michael McManus attempts to persuade us that being pro-gay rights is a natural stance for the Tories in this chronological take on the Party’s relationship with homosexual law since the nineteenth century, but looking closer Emma finds that parts of the book sorely lack analytical material, and that gay people of colour and gay women are entirely absent, rendering the argument for an alliance of LGBTs and the Tories indefensibly incomplete. This post was originally posted at LSE Politics & Policy blog and has been cross-posted here.

Tory Pride and Prejudice

Tory Pride and Prejudice: The Conservative Party and Homosexual Law Reform. Michael McManus. Biteback Publishing. 496 pages. 2011.

 

With the Conservative Party back in government it is fitting that we question how far, and by what means, the Tories have left the infamous Section 28 behind and come to occupy an, at least partially, reformed ‘pro-gay rights’ stance. In his rainbow-adorned book, Tory Pride and Prejudice: The Conservative Party and Homosexual Law Reform, Michael McManus tries to convince readers that this is “a story with a happy ending”. Unfortunately, McManus’ party affiliation as a Tory faithful leads him to a conclusion which this reviewer feels would not be shared by many others in the LGBT community.

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Mar 24 2012

Beyond the Glass Ceiling: Women in Journalism

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Lauren Maffeo, an MSc student in Gender, Media, and Culture at the LSE Gender Institute recounts a lecture delivered Zeina Awad on women in the newsworld, particularly as reporters. Maffeo endorses Awad’s view that women are still heavily discriminated against in the news industry though steps towards equality are being taken.

 

It has been said that the two aspects of life most often lied about are sex and money—a stereotype that Zeina Awad, co-host of Al Jazeera English’s flagship American current affairs programme, Fault Lines, knows all too well. Speaking at the LSE March 8 to coincide with the London launch of No Woman’s Land – On the Frontlines with Female Reporters,” a collection of articles written by 40 female media members to which Awad has contributed, she offered her take on covering the United States for a global news outlet—one that included reflection on the elite’s resistance to speaking about money, an acknowledgement that the United States is more than the bright lights of New York City, and the evolving role of women in media.

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Mar 8 2012

The media furore surrounding Rihanna and Chris Brown is a missed opportunity for helpful discussion about intimate partner violence

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In this post, Harriet Gray, first year PhD student at the LSE Gender Institute, discusses how the public discourse surrounding Chris Brown’s abuse of then-girlfriend and singer Rihanna has turned in to a discourse of victim blaming rather than being used as something constructive to publicly discuss the issues surrounding domestic violence. 

Singers Rihanna and Chris Brown are back in the public eye again after it was revealed that they have collaborated on two new tracks – a remix of Rihanna’s Birthday Cake, and one of Brown’s Turn up the Music. Their relationship, broken off in the aftermath of Brown’s infamous violence against Rihanna three years ago, is now widely assumed to be back on.

The violent attack on 8 February 2009 that landed Rihanna in the hospital and Brown with convictions for assault and making criminal threats is well known. At the time, many predicted that Brown’s career was over; he lost a number of endorsement deals, his album sales suffered, and some radio stations refused to play his music. He issued an apology via YouTube saying, “I wish I had the chance to live those few moments again… what I did was inexcusable… I’m truly, truly sorry that I wasn’t able to handle the situation both differently and better… I will do everything in my power to make sure that it never happens again.”

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Mar 6 2012

Women looking at women, women looking at men

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Akane Kanai, an MSc student at the LSE’s Gender Institute studying Gender, Media and Culture. Here she muses over differing utilisations and perceptions of masculine and feminine beauty, the diverging experiences of presenting the self and experiencing the presentation of others.

 

The female body is a… work of art. The male body is utilitarian, it’s for gettin’ around, like a Jeep.’   – Elaine, Seinfeld 

Elaine’s memorable quote contains a sentiment that one widely hears – women’s bodies and curves are beautiful, but men’s bodies are not – they cannot be a (beautiful) spectacle in and of themselves. Elaine’s comment is funny precisely because, as a heterosexual woman, she is openly disavowing male beauty. Men’s bodies are ‘functional’, even humorous, when revealed.

Beauty is equated with ‘curves’; ‘lines’ with masculine action. Arguably taking a stance on whether men’s bodies or women’s bodies are inherently more beautiful is problematic and is a question that I will leave to one side (and to which I would somewhat inadequately provide the generic responses of ‘it depends on the person’ and ‘it’s subjective’). But if we pause to think about the distinctions between masculine beauty and feminine beauty being simply summed up in lines versus curves, this also should be contestable. Michelangelo’s David is beautiful in his muscular curves; in movie incarnations of Greco-Roman mythology such as Immortals and 300, variously bulging versions of the male body are spectacularly put on display.

I thought about this the other day when walking through a Tesco Express in the magazine aisle. Women’s bodies were displayed everywhere in front of me to sell magazines, not only to men, in publications such as FHM and GQ, but to women. Men were conspicuously absent. Consider magazines like Cosmo which sell a certain knowingness about (hetero)sexual activity and will sometimes publish centrefolds of attractive men: there seems to be no ready justification for why men do not appear on covers of mainstream women’s magazines.

Rather than simply arguing that women’s bodies are just ‘more beautiful’, perhaps the question of instrumentality should come to the fore. Why can women’s bodies and faces be used to sell, and not men’s (as often or with as great success)? Common explanations for the lack of men’s bodies as spectacles for viewing consumption suggest an anxiety in men toward avoiding homoeroticism when looking at men (hence, scantily clad men in ads are often accompanied by women, to break the tension). But this still doesn’t explain why men almost never appear on women’s magazine covers as well as raises a host of questions.  Is it intimidating or embarrassing for women to look at men, or do they take more pleasure in looking at women?  Are men’s bodies more off limits? Why does it make sense to discerning magazine editors that heterosexual women feel more comfortable with women’s bodies being used for their selling power, and not men’s? Do women, rather than men, simply want guides or templates on how they are meant to look, so the women on magazine covers are role models? This last suggestion seems patronising and unsatisfying.

I am not arguing that women’s bodies are straightforwardly used in a negative way more than those of men. Of course there is some pleasure in being looked at, as well as in looking. Consider Facebook and the numerous profile pictures and photos of self that are constantly being published and uploaded. Beyond the surface explanation of ‘sharing one’s life’, there must surely be some pleasure in cataloguing oneself in a display of carefully chosen (arty/Instagram/fun-loving) photos. I am suggesting that there appears to be an imbalance here in the pleasure derived from positioning oneself and thinking of oneself as the object of regard, versus the pleasure in looking at others. Blanket statements about women’s beauty rather than men’s can also have the effect of enforcing an unwanted and unnecessary standard on women. We should be open about (respectful) appreciation of different forms of beauty and question any unthinking acceptance of arbitrary distinctions of who possesses beauty and who looks at it.

Can’t women, like men, simply have utilitarian bodies for ‘gettin’ around’?  Can’t Jerry Seinfeld not be castigated for walking around nude in front of his girlfriend? And can’t his girlfriend be free to reject conventional forms of beautiful nudity? I pose these questions as food for thought.

Akane is an MSc student in Gender, Media and Culture with a background in political science and law. Prior to studying at LSE, she practised law in Melbourne, Australia.

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Mar 2 2012

Coming of Age and Love in Post 9/11 America part 2

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Shanthi Marie Blanchard is a MSc student at the London School of Economics and Political Science and studies Gender, Policy and Inequalities. In this essay, she uses the concept of intersectionality as a tool to unpack her understanding of her area youth’s transition into adulthood which transpired after 9/11 in her small rural Midwestern town. This post is the second post in a two post entry. The first post can be found here.

This week in our Militarization course, we are reading an article by Iris Marion Young entitled ‘The Logic of Masculinist Protection: Reflections on the Current Security State’. The article resonated with me soundly, as it depicted the male that developed in many of my generation’s rural, Midwestern boys during our coming of age. The masculine protector was the ideal identity given to us by our government when we sat in the classrooms that September day wondering what it all meant, trying to understand how to navigate this event as we simultaneously started the navigation of our own identities into adulthood. Maybe underlying it all, it resonated so strongly with me because on the other side of Young’s analysis of the post 9/11 American man, laid the role of the post 9/11 woman. This was a role I realized that I hadn’t and couldn’t fulfill. It was the conscious deterrent of this fulfilling this role that caused me to loose my childhood love.

In the argument, Young draws on Hobbes’ Leviathan to make her argument about the ‘masculinist protector’ within the 9/11 context, which acts as a benevolent but ultimate authority over the family structure in securing the safety of the American people. Under Hobbes’ depiction of the state of nature, “people live in small families where all believe others envy them and desire to enlarge themselves by stealing or conquering the group” (Young, 2003). They live in constant fear and insecurity and thus, give ultimate and unquestioned authority to the Leviathan, which ‘fosters and maintains security” (Young, 2003).

                       In Young’s gendered lens of the post 9/11 America, the Leviathan was a benevolent male protector, a man who chivalrously self-sacrifices himself to protect the ones he loves. His actions stem from this compassionate and fatherly care, in the same way that a pastor cares for and leads his congregation.  He commands that same form of pastoral power- a power filled with love and guidance- leading his family through his ultimate and unquestioned rule. This requires a submission from the group to his reasoning. But he rules with only the most benevolent care in this higher calling to protect the potential threat of the home, and the ones he loves.

           Bush was our Leviathan. In return for this protection, the subordinates of our American home gratefully adore their protector and defer to his judgment for the promises of protection he offered. Our generation of boys came to understand themselves through the ideals taken from Hobbes’ state security, which were exemplified by our government, the head authority to which the heads of our own households – our fathers, brothers, teachers, and coaches – beseeched their own power. Perhaps the most resonating thing for my rural Midwest generation was when he said, “My most important job as your President is to defend the homeland, is to protect the people from further attacks.” (Young, 2003). It set the tone for a nation of vulnerable bodies and a generation of impressionable minds. The government became our father, the patriarch of our home. He became the self-sacrificing man; protecting those he loved by going into a land filled with danger and evil in order to save the helpless back at home. To not be patriotic to his cause was un-American. To not support his military efforts was blasphemous. If we did not support the invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan, we did not love America.

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Mar 1 2012

Coming of Age and Love in Post 9/11 America part 1

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Shanthi Marie Blanchard is a MSc student at the London School of Economics and Political Science and studies Gender, Policy and Inequalities. In this essay, she uses the concept of intersectionality as a tool to unpack her understanding of her area youth’s transition into adulthood which transpired after 9/11 in her small rural Midwestern town. This post is the first in a two part post.

I was thirteen when 9/11 happened. I remember being late for school and rushing to my locker to grab my algebra book for class before the last bell rang. As soon as I walked into the cream-colored cement hallways of my small rural Midwest grade school, I knew something was wrong. The lockers were flooded with students grabbing all their belongings and running into their classrooms. Our 8th grade teacher looked pained and frantic directing the students about.

“Get everything. Your lunch, your gym clothes, anything you might need for the next few days”, he called to me as I stood frozen in place. “We’re going into lockdown.”

We ran into the classrooms and the teachers bolted the doors behind us, turning the long white handles of the cheap plastic blinds, and switching off the bright fluorescent lights. The only thing shedding luminosity in the dark murky classroom was the bright blue sky and silver tower that glowed from the television screen above the teacher’s desk. Good Morning America showed recaps of a small object crashing into the World Trade Center. We watched with horror as the second plane made its way into tower number two. We saw the building crumble, and though we cried, our thirteen-year-old minds were unsure how to process what we had just seen.

“This is your Pearl Harbor,” we were told.

“This is your Kennedy.”

This would define us.

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Feb 29 2012

Gender Folding and Pre-teen Kissing

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Are ‘homonormative’ narratives, full of labels for identities, becoming as rigid as heteronormative narratives? Maitrayee Basu questions the need for naming relations and argues that the fluidity of desires and identities leads to a better expression of self. This article has been published collaboratively by LSE Equality and Diversity and LSE Engenderings blogs to mark LGBT History Month.

 

I kissed a girl. I liked it. Long before I had heard of lesbian sex or desires or even contemplated issues regarding sex or gender consciously. She was just a person who I found attractive and who had previously made me blush by publicly announcing that I was the prettiest girl in the class. The kiss, or the attraction preceding it, never made me question my sexual or gender identity. At that age we were already talking about the boyfriends we would have, and although a boyfriend was something I wanted, she was what I desired. Desired in a way that had more to do with the electricity in our mutual gaze and her ‘devil may care’ attitude than with an interest in her ‘lady bits’.

In later years, while reflecting about what this fact might signify about my desires and how it fits into the narrative that informs my sexual and gender identity, I realized that it is a representative slice of the fluid way I experience desire and project it on to the fabric of my identity. By then, of course, I had started to question and reorganise my experiences conscious of (and often rebellious against) the social concepts of gender and sexual orientation.

But the true push to actively pursue the exact nature and politics of my desires didn’t arise until an introduction to some issues concerning gender roles, desires and sexual acts raised in Heinlein’s seminal time travel novel – The Man Who Folded Himself – which I found to be quite pertinent to my experiences and curiosities. The concept of preferring to have sex with a self that has the same gender identity to the one that doesn’t due to the resulting sex being more egalitarian and free of gender-based expectations resonated with me. I began to see my relations (sexual or otherwise) with people around me tinged with a desire to go beyond what is expected based on our respective gender identities. The fluid nature of my desires, which had seemed unfathomable before, seemed to make sense in the light of Heinlein’s protagonist’s choices.

What did the choice mean? More importantly, what did it mean for me? It made me question whether my dislike of categorising my desires and aligning them to fit gender expectations meant I was bisexual. Was the only way to overcome the unequal power relations and rigid expectations in sexual relations to choose to have sex with people who self-identified as women? Did gender roles and power inequalities disappear entirely in lesbian and gay sex?

Above all, though, what stands out in the narrative is that the protagonist’s(s’) choice of sexual partner(s) was a choice – a rhetoric one does not often find in contemporary LGBT sexual narratives. I think this is sad. Although many individuals identifying as gay, lesbian or bisexual might experience their desires to be beyond their choosing, and despite such desires being ‘natural’ has been an argument on which most LGBT rights has been based, I think that an active choice in sexual experiences and identity is a rhetoric with the potential to affect some very positive changes in the way we live our lives.

It is this rhetoric that allowed me to challenge deep-seated sexual and gender prejudices and expectations and choose to embrace ambiguity in my relations – sexual or otherwise – with people around me. It allowed me to be more creative in my expression of self and in moulding my lived experiences to match my desires more closely. As LGBT History Month comes to an end this year, I want to reflect on the ways LGBT narratives and theory helped a whole generation of young people free from rigid heteronormative codes of behaviour. But I also wish to suggest a movement against homonormative narratives which I find are becoming quite rigid too.

Maitrayee Basu loves science fiction, experimental fiction and ambiguity. She has recently graduated from LSE after completing her Master’s degree in Culture and Society. She currently works in social marketing in London and blogs as often as she can at www.maitrayeebasu.wordpress.com

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Feb 23 2012

Women’s Soccer in Crisis – A Voice from the Pitch

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In this post Caitlin Fisher talks about the treatment of women’s soccer in the United States as compared to men’s soccer and makes an argument that perhaps we should stop holding it in comparison with men’s soccer and see it as a different interpretation of an old sport.

The year 2012 has started out on a bleak note for women’s football. First, it was the folding of Santos FC women’s team—the most widely recognized women’s professional club team in Latin America—and then it was the suspension of the United States’ Women’s Professional Soccer (WPS) league. While both were terminated for their specific reasons, the common denominator was a lack of funding, rooted in a lack of fans, rooted in…what?

The Santos FC women’s team folded in large part because the Santos Club’s men’s team wanted to keep the young new star Neymar in Brazil. In order to fend off offers from some of the biggest European clubs, Santos had to increase Neymar’s salary and cut costs—the club viewed its women’s team as a cost. The juxtaposition here is tremendous, where one male player’s salary resulted in the folding of the entire women’s team within the same club, and less than one month of his salary could cover the entire R$1.5 million (close to US$ 900,000 or £500,000) cost of the women’s team for the year. However, it is crucial that the blame does not fall on this young talented athlete who actually tried to rally sponsors together to revive the women’s team.

POST PHOTO attribute to Adrienne Grunwald-guerreiras_03-630x304
Photo: Adrienne Grunwald

Then, last month, the WPS said it has ‘suspended operations’ for the 2012 season. The reason being an insufficient number of teams and a dispute with one of the team managers that led to a pricey lawsuit. The news made barely a blip in the media.

I arrived in the U.S. last week from my current residence in London not at all surprised but certainly saddened that nobody knew of the U.S. women’s league’s collapse––not even my own soccer-loving parents.

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Feb 21 2012

“That’s Gay!” – Think before you speak

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Benjamin Butterworth speaks out against the callous use of the phrase ‘That’s gay!” He argues that language reflects and forms attitudes, so should be carefully used. This article has been published collaboratively by LSE Equality and Diversity and LSE Engenderings blogs to mark LGBT History Month.

 

“That’s gay!”

This is the call heard in school playgrounds up and down the country. And up and down many other Western nations. Kids from New York to Newport will squeal with childhood innocence how ‘gay’ an error is; how because another kid got something wrong or didn’t know the answer to a question, they are now thoroughly ‘gay’. It is a word used with such propensity that it can hardly fathom definition by the end of a school day. Failing that test was gay. Your rubber is gay. That’s a gay pencil case. And your mum is DEFINITELY gay.

But these are not a newly enlightened generation of children eager to contemplate sexual and gender labeling in a post-liberal age. And I don’t think they are contemplating an emerging redefinition of the family to acknowledge that one’s mother could, in fact, be a homosexual. No. They are regular kids illustrating, in their own murky and trifled ways, much wider held attitudes within our society. Attitudes which do not propose to be nearly as tolerant or open-minded as we might want to think.

The problem of children using the term ‘gay’ as an insult is a big problem, but not a new problem. It has been well established in the past decade or so, and though laws and regulations around sexual orientation have changed a great deal in that time, small indicators like children’s language can give away considerable social undercurrents. Undercurrents which by their very nature do not surface in any fist-in-mouth, obtuse way, we can easily dismiss not to be problems at all.

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