May 15 2013

The violent cartographies of violence- the imaginative rape geography of Congo

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Andra-Mirona Dragotesc is a Romanian feminist with an academic and activist interest in issues of violence against women. Throughout her MA and PhD studies, she has addressed the violent processes embedded in discourses on violence against women. She is currently based in Romania, at Universitatea de Vest din Timisoara.

Andra-Mirona Dragotesc is a Romanian feminist with an academic and activist interest in issues of violence against women. Throughout her MA and PhD studies, she has addressed the violent processes embedded in discourses on violence against women. She is currently based in Romania, at Universitatea de Vest din Timisoara.

A few years ago if you’d asked me about Congo I wouldn’t have known very much about it. I knew where it was located on the world map… the geographical world map. As for the social, political, cultural, economical world map, I didn’t quite know where to place it. My interest in violence against women around the world, however, brought Congo to my attention more than once during the second half of the 2000s, and sooner rather than later, I was able to locate Congo on one particular map:  the world map of violence against women as the “rape capital of the world”[1].

The horror that is Congo for women is rendered visible through an  identification of rape as a problem within the borders of this particular space. The culture of violence thesis which is embedded in the representation of Congo as the rape capital of the world is further supported by categorizations of Congo as the “ground zero of rape”. Making people understand the extent of Congo’s tragedy must be put into a historical perspective of tragedies (9/11, for example) well-known; thus making it easier to understand. I argue it is a way of appropriating the tragedy of Congolese women raped during wartime, of essentialising tragedy in general, and of colonising of tragedies elsewhere by rendering them visible by presenting them as similar to Western/ American ones. That is, of putting a recognizable mask on the face of a complicated problem with deep roots into world economics and Congolese history.

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Apr 17 2013

Rape culture, Taylor Swift and silencing women who speak up

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She completed her MSc in gender, policy, and inequalities in 2012 at the London School of Economics and Political Science.

Shanthi Marie Blanchard completed her MSc in gender, policy, and inequalities in 2012 at the London School of Economics and Political Science. In this post, she criticises the tendency to silence women who speak up about men who have done them wrong – especially women who bring charges of rape and abuse against men. Follow Shanthi @smblanchard.

Friday nights are a sacred space.

I enjoy coming home to do my laundry, tidy up my room…and shamelessly sing off pitched lyrics to ditties that are oddly reminiscent of my high school freshman diary while I simultaneously dance around in my running spankies and jump on top of my bed. Friday night is Taylor Swift ‘n Sing Karaoke Clean-up Nights.  Please knock before you enter.

Perhaps unsurprisingly, my old roommate had a somewhat (understated) problem with this. No, no. It wasn’t that he grew up in a land that knew no Dixie. Or that country was clearly not the blade of grass that got his John Deere sheers a ‘spinnin. It was the fact that Taylor Swift hates men.

Yes. Taylor Swift hates men.

“She dates boys, then writes songs about all the bad things they’ve done.” He said.

Writing about bad things men have done, implies an innate hatred towards them?

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Apr 1 2013

Still dealing in dichotomies?!

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Keren is a PhD candidate in the Media and Communications Department at the London School of Economics and Political Science. a communications professional with over 12 years of UK government communications experience. In this post she wonders whether women’s issues be properly addressed if women are, in fact, losing ground politically and are less well represented in public life than they were 10 years ago. Follow her on Twitter @KerenDarmon or email k.n.darmon@lse.ac.uk.

Keren is a PhD candidate in the Media and Communications Department at the London School of Economics and Political Science. a communications professional with over 12 years of UK government communications experience. In this post she wonders whether women’s issues be properly addressed if women are, in fact, losing ground politically and are less well represented in public life than they were 10 years ago. Follow her on Twitter @KerenDarmon or email k.n.darmon@lse.ac.uk.

On January 18, 2013, The New York Times reported anticipation among leading women of the world about the rise and globalization of women’s issues. A month later, however, The Observer reported a decline in women’s presence in British public life. So which is it? Are women’s issues genuinely featuring more seriously on the political agenda and are we truly witnessing a wave of positive change in women’s status and condition across the globe? Or are things unchanged, if not getting worse, in terms of women and power? Can women’s issues be properly addressed if women are, in fact, losing ground politically and are less well represented in public life than they were 10 years ago?

For me these questions don’t sit in isolation. They are not just about how many women sit in boardrooms or in parliaments but also about how women live their lives and how they are portrayed in the media.

In February, the first the jury in Vicky Pryce’s trial for taking speeding points for her (then) husband, Chris Huhne, could not reach a verdict and was dismissed. Many interesting issues were discussed during this trial, but I am not a legal expert and this is not a discussion of the legalities of the case. Instead, however, I was struck by the depiction in the media of Vicky Pryce during the trial. One headline in particular caught my eye: “Jury asked to decide if Vicky Pryce is weak-minded or manipulative woman”. [1] Surely the jury were being asked to decide whether she was guilty or not guilty?! No wonder they couldn’t reach a conclusion! Yes, this was a complicated case in which the unusual defence of marital coercion was used, and yes, the wording in the heading came from the prosecution, but I am still left with the feeling that it is particular to her being a woman and a successful one at that.

It is not without precedent to suggest that popular culture depicts women as one of two things: mother or whore, with very little room for complexity. The wording might change but the sentiment remains the same: women are either or, not both, and certainly not many other things besides. And this pervasive notion seems to persist even when dealing with a highly accomplished economist and civil servant (Vicky Pryce), even in an era when women are supposedly on the rise.

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Mar 21 2013

A reflection on how gender-related concerns are taken up in public debate, slip from view, and almost-but-not-quite make it

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Dinara is approaching the end of her part-time MSc Gender, Development and Globalisation degree at the LSE’s Gender Institute. In addition to studying, she has spent the last two years managing the small but busy office of an energy efficiency consultancy. In this post she discusses how how gender slips off the agenda, and argues that we while affordable childcare is important, it is also important to provide good-quality working conditions and remuneration for the providers of childcare. 

An event held at the houses of Parliament in February 2013 organised by the think-tank Compass to consider alternatives to the Government’s budget policies – proved an interesting opportunity to consider how questions of gender travel around the policy domain.  The event centred around the think-tank’s report ‘Plan B +1’ – a reflection on the Government’s budget one year on.

One of the three speakers was a representative of the Women’s Budget Group. The others – a Labour MP and an economist.  This made for very interesting dynamics. Achieving institutional take-up of goals of gender equality undoubtedly comes with negotiations and compromises. This moves beyond a question of putting gender on the agenda. We need to be attentive to the opportunities for social justice that are opened or foreclosed when gender equality is framed in particular ways.

Three issues stood out for me, with which I engage in this post. These cover an issue that seems to be gaining strength on the political agenda, a consideration of how gender slips off the agenda, and a question that often struggles to be part of the agenda. These issues are:

  • childcare
  • the dangers of losing focus on gender due to funding concerns
  • the importance of holding onto an intersectional understanding of identity

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Feb 21 2013

Women in ‘combat’: a revolution in the US military?

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Harriet is a second-year PhD candidate at the Gender Institute studying intimate partner abuse in the UK armed forces community. Her research interests include feminist political theory, gender violence, nationalism, militarism, and the gendered construction of citizenship. Follow Harriet on Twitter: @MsHarrietGray

Harriet is a second-year PhD candidate at the Gender Institute studying intimate partner abuse in the UK armed forces community. Her research interests include feminist political theory, gender violence, nationalism, militarism, and the gendered construction of citizenship. Follow Harriet on Twitter: @MsHarrietGray

On the 24th January 2013, Chairman of the Joints Chiefs of Staff Martin Dempsey and Defense Secretary Leon Panetta signed a directive which will open up ‘front-line combat’ posts in the US military to women. While this move puts the US military on similar terms to militaries in Germany, Australia and Canada (among others), the British forces continue to officially exclude women from such roles.

As Panetta admitted, this move serves to bring the official situation into line with reality. Although defined as ‘non-combat’, the roles fulfilled by women in recent wars do include those in which they must kill (and risk being killed by) the enemy. Over 150 American women have been killed fighting in Iraq and Afghanistan. Indeed, as academics such as Cynthia Enloe (1) have long argued, the policy through which women are excluded from those roles defined as ‘combat’ has been political and ideological rather than practical. What will be the impact of allowing women into this “last male bastion”(2)?

Will the masculinism of the military and the modern security state identified by academics such as Enloe (3), Young (4), Woodward and Winter (5), and Higate (6) evaporate in the face of a few GI Janes?

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Nov 6 2012

Special US Election Blog Blitz

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Here’s a round-up of posts related to US politics and gender that have appeared on Engenderings in the past year to get you geared up. Happy voting!

Amanda Conroy ( @amanda_conroy )  has opinions on on Republicans, Julian Assange and how we understand rape.

Be wary of the notion of the “Year of the Woman”, says Kimi Killen.

Linnea Sandstrom Lange doesn’t shy away from the debate over contraception. (@linksan)

Lauren Maffeo has voices her thoughs on women as leaders and women in the media.

And Shanthi Blanchard has been personally affected by gendered entanglements with militarism in post- 9/11 America.

Have you got something to say about the election? Reading after the results? Elated or devastated? Send us your thoughts.

 

 

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Nov 4 2012

Rape and the privileging of ignorance: consensuality vs. mutuality in understandings of sexual assault

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Amanda Conroy is a PhD Candidate at the Gender Institute and the Centre for the Study of Human Rights, London School of Economics and Political Science. Her past research has traced the philosophical underpinnings of law that allow for large-scale sexual violence against women. In this post, she argues that as long as the focus is on consensuality instead of mutuality in sexual encounters, women are going to continue to be subject to sexual assault. Follow her on twitter: @amanda_conroy

A lot of people have been expressing a lot of opinions about what constitutes a woman’s experience of rape. A lot of these people do not have vaginas. Todd Akin, Missouri Senate candidate, claimed that “if it’s a legitimate rape, the female body has ways to try to shut that whole thing down”. More recently Wisconsin Republican representative Roger Rivard has revealed that some women just “rape easy”. (I’m tempted to set Rivard’s comments to tune. Gershwin’s Summertime comes to mind. Think “summertime and the rapin’s easy”, in a warbly, whiskey-y Ella Fitzgerald voice). Julian Assange has been chilling at the Ecuadorian embassy to avoid being extradited to Sweden to face charges of rape. To top it off, Romney chose a running mate in Paul Ryan. The same Paul Ryan who supports outlawing abortion, even ostensibly for pregnancies occurring from rape or incest.  More recently Indiana senatorial candidate Richard Mourdock announced that “even when life begins in that horrible situation of rape, that it is something that God intended to happen”. In short, there are a lot of bad things going on here—among them dangerously bad science and barely-shrouded attempts to regulate what constitutes “proper conduct” for women.

Am I upset? Yes. But I have to say—I’m not surprised. And not just because my friend and colleague Harriet Gray has already written, in this space, about how the “idea persists, apparently among a frighteningly large proportion of the population, that there is a thing called ‘rape-rape’ which is truly heinous but that is thankfully very rare, and that separate from this there is a grey area in which women lie, overreact, or just simply misunderstand”. I don’t see a real change in the near future for one simple reason. People are going to keep attempting to sieve out “real”, “legitimate” rape (rape-rape) from “less-rapey-rape” (kinda-sorta-not really rape) because we have a definition of sexual relations based on consensuality – not mutuality.

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Oct 22 2012

Speaking to the CEDAW Committee about women’s rights in the UK

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Ava Lee is an MSc Gender student at LSE. She has been working on the CEDAW shadow report at the Women’s Resource Centre since the beginning of 2012. In this post she describes the work of the Women’s Resource Centre and CEDAW on highlighting the problems impacting on women’s equality in the UK. She argues that British Government has not done all it could to face up to their international obligations under CEDAW to protect and advance the rights of women.

Today (22/10/2012) , my colleague Charlotte Gage, policy officer at the Women’s Resource Centre (WRC), is in Geneva as part of a small group of women from the UK addressing the United Nations (UN) Committee on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). She will be highlighting the problems impacting on women’s equality in the UK and guiding the Committee on what women’s organisations believe our Government must be questioned on, and held to account over, by the UN. This is a unique opportunity for women to raise with the UN the key issues that we are facing in the UK today.

Charlotte will be making a presentation on behalf of the CEDAW Working Group, which is facilitated by WRC, and will be highlighting how women’s rights in the UK have come to a standstill and in some cases are being reversed. Government policies and austerity measures disproportionately impact women, and the rights that were fought so hard for are now being rolled back.

For example, the lack of Government support for women’s NGO’s, despite demonstrating value for money, and the decentralisation of power to local authorities who are also facing huge cuts, means that local services for women are now closing at a fast rate leading to a lack of appropriate, accessible services for many women around the country.

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Oct 15 2012

Parental Leave: Men and Women at Work

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Caroline Thorpe is a British journalist based in London. She was deputy editor of multiple award-winning Inside Housing magazine until 2011, when she took a year out to pursue graduate studies in gender at the London School of Economics. She has now returned to full-time journalism, specialising in social policy and politics. In this post she discusses parental leave in the UK, arguing that statutes alone will not necessarily lead to gender-neutral approaches to care. Follow her on Twitter @mrsparanandi.

Last week I received an out of office email from a successful Swedish banker. Its contents were shocking. ‘I am on paternity leave until July 2013’, it read.

A man taking the next nine months off work following the birth of his child? And who knows how long he’d already spent on parenting duty before my innocently-sent email triggered his outlandish response! In London, where I live, few women I know take that long ‘off’ (a euphemism if ever there was one) when their child is born. Men simply don’t have the option beyond a paltry two-week statutory offering.

Which brings me to another shock. Two days earlier I had met up with a friend who, expecting her first child later this month, is on maternity leave from her job as a hospital doctor. Her husband also works for a bank, in London. When it comes to paternity leave for him – here it comes – he frets that he may struggle to take two days, let alone the two weeks allowed under UK law.

The UK government wants to make it easier for parenting to be shared more equally between the genders or, in the case of same-sex couples, both partners. It plans to scrap existing maternity and paternity leave in 2015, replacing them with a new ‘parental leave’, a policy much-championed by deputy prime minister Nick Clegg. While women would still be entitled to 18 weeks maternity leave, ministers propose making the remaining 34 weeks of a mother’s current allowance available to both parents, who could share it as they wished. And while the level of state financial support would not change, its labeling would, ‘parental pay’ replacing ‘maternity’ and ‘paternity’ benefits.

This is all good stuff if you’re keen on ungendering the business of bringing up children, both in terms of dismantling key structural barriers to gender equality as well as addressing the power of language to set the tone that helps construct and then reinforces those barriers in the first place. (Sweden’s 1995 Parental Leave Act contains not a single ‘mother’ or ‘father’.)

And yet here comes the But: all this is far from a done deal. Firstly, the plans face significant opposition from the business lobby. The British Chamber of Commerce reckons the proposals will attract ‘endless’ legal challenges, while the Institute of Directors has warned that ‘putting heavier burdens on business in these tough times wouldn’t be a sensible move’ (the implication being that it’s okay to let them fall on parents, especially mothers, instead). Moreover the government itself admits the new system may prove too costly to implement by 2015, and who knows what opposition will rear its head once the legislation begins its passage through parliament in the new year.

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Oct 13 2012

If Not Quotas, Then What?: the Forthcoming EU Proposal on Women Quotas in Boardrooms

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Linnea Sandström Lange writes about the upcoming proposal in the EU Commission about women quotas on company boars and asks the question: if not quotas, then what? She tries to set the framework for the debate (held at the European Parliament in the UK on 19/10/2012) and poses the different arguments against each other.

The European Commission is expected to announce a new proposal to ensure women’s increased participation in board rooms. Headed by Viviane Reding, Vice President of the European Commission and EU Justice Commissioner, the proposal is set to include legal tools to ensure that the amount of non-executive female directors on corporate boards reaches 40 per cent within a reasonable time frame. The system will be based on qualifications and there will be a waiver if there is no equally qualified person of the underrepresented sex available. Sanctions made against corporations not following the legal requirement for quotas will be determined by the member states themselves, leaving the member states to decide on the severity of the sanction. Despite the flexibility of the document, member states and corporations are worried about the consequences of what would amount to a great reshuffling in the board rooms across Europe. Representatives from nine different countries have even directed and signed a letter to Vice President Reding and the President of the Commission, Jose Manuel Barroso, asking for flexibility to deal with the shortages of women in board rooms in their own time.

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